11.7: Contemporary Environmental, Racial and Gender Justice Movements

 

Reflection Summary: Contemporary Environmental, Racial and Gender Justice Movements

This reading explains many important justice movements in the 21st century. It shows that even though time has changed, many old problems are still with us today. Racism, police brutality, war, gender inequality, environmental destruction, and struggles over land and sovereignty are still major issues. At the same time, people today also face new challenges like climate change and the fast spread of information through social media. This chapter helped me understand that today’s movements are connected to the struggles of the past, but they also use new tools and new forms of organizing.

One of the main ideas in this reading is that the fight for justice is not finished. Earlier generations fought against racism, colonialism, sexism, and economic injustice. Today, many of those same systems still exist. The chapter shows that activists today continue this work. They organize in communities, online, and across the country. They also build movements that connect environmental justice, racial justice, and gender justice together.

The first section focuses on environmental justice. Environmental justice means that all communities should have clean air, clean water, safe land, and protection from environmental harm. But in reality, communities of color and Indigenous communities are often the ones most affected by pollution and environmental destruction. This is called environmental racism. Factories, refineries, and industrial waste are often placed near low-income communities of color. These communities then suffer more health problems and more harm.

This part of the reading made me think about how unfair environmental problems can be. Pollution does not affect everyone equally. Some communities are forced to live closer to danger than others. This is not only a nature issue. It is also a race and class issue. Ethnic Studies helps us understand that environmental harm is connected to power. The people with the least power often face the most pollution.

The reading gives the example of Oxnard, California. Community groups such as CAUSE worked to stop the building of a power plant. After years of organizing, they won. This was important because the community was mostly people of color. Their victory helped protect cleaner air. I think this example is powerful because it shows that local communities can make a difference. Change may take years, but organizing can lead to real results.

The chapter also explains that environmental justice is deeply connected to Indigenous sovereignty. Indigenous communities do not only see land as property. Land is connected to culture, history, spirituality, and survival. Because of settler colonialism, many Indigenous people were pushed off their lands and separated from their traditional homes. So environmental justice for Indigenous communities also means the struggle for land, sovereignty, and self-determination.

This part of the reading helped me understand why Land Back movements are so important. Land Back means returning land to Indigenous people and respecting treaty rights. It is not only about ownership. It is also about healing relationships between people and land. It is about restoring justice after generations of colonization.

The reading mentions the NDN Collective and other movements that support Land Back. It also talks about Water Protectors who protested projects like the Dakota Access Pipeline and Line 3. These movements protect water, land, and life. The phrase “We Are Not Protestors. We Are Protectors” stood out to me. It shows that these activists do not only oppose something. They are also defending something sacred and necessary.

I think this is a very important lesson. Environmental justice is not only about stopping harm. It is also about caring for the earth. It is about stewardship, responsibility, and respect. Indigenous movements show that justice must include both people and the environment.

The reading also talks about the Sogorea Te’ Land Trust in northern California. This project is led by urban Indigenous women and works to protect Ohlone lands from development. I found this example inspiring because it shows that Indigenous activism is active today, not only in the past. Native women are leading efforts to protect land and build a different future.

The second major part of the chapter is about racial justice and gender justice. The reading explains that racial justice movements have taken an important place in politics and culture in the 21st century. People today speak out in the streets and online. Social media helps movements spread faster and reach larger audiences.

One major example is Black Lives Matter. This network began in 2013 after the killings of Trayvon Martin, Michael Brown, Eric Garner, Rekia Boyd, and others. Black Lives Matter protests police violence against Black people, especially the killing of unarmed Black people. But the movement also opened larger conversations about racism, inequality, and state violence.

This movement is important because it forced many people to pay attention to problems that had existed for a long time. Police violence was not new, but Black Lives Matter made more people talk about it openly. It also challenged people to think about systemic racism, not just individual cases. I think this movement is one of the most powerful examples of modern activism.

The reading also mentions the #SayHerName campaign. This campaign was created to bring attention to Black women, girls, and femmes who experience police violence. This is very important because women are often left out of public conversations about racial violence. The campaign reminds us that justice must be intersectional. We must look at race and gender together.

This part of the reading taught me that some victims get more attention than others. If a movement does not think carefully about gender, then some people may be forgotten. #SayHerName helps correct that. It asks people to remember Black women and girls whose lives are too often ignored.

The chapter also says these movements have raised calls to defund the police, abolish prisons, and address systemic racism in all forms. These are big demands. They go beyond asking for a few small reforms. They ask people to question the whole system. I think this shows that justice movements today are not only about one event. They are about changing structures that create harm again and again.

The reading then discusses anti-Asian racism in the 21st century. After 9/11, many Arab, Muslim, South Asian, and Southwest Asian people faced racism, profiling, and discrimination. Later, during the COVID-19 pandemic, anti-Asian hate increased again. Some political leaders and individuals spread lies that blamed Asians and Asian Americans for the pandemic.

This part of the chapter made me think about how quickly fear can turn into racism. In times of crisis, some people look for groups to blame. This causes violence and division. But the reading also shows that people fought back. Communities came together, supported each other, and built alliances against xenophobia. This reminds me that solidarity is very important during hard times.

The chapter then turns to gender justice. It explains that gender and patriarchy deeply affect racial justice. Gender justice movements in the 21st century often use an intersectional approach. This means they do not only focus on gender alone. They also think about race, class, sexuality, immigration, and other systems of power.

The Women’s March is one example. It began in 2016 and became one of the largest protest movements in U.S. history in 2017. The reading says the Women’s March tried to bring intersectional feminism into the mainstream women’s movement. This was important because many earlier women’s movements were criticized for centering mostly white women and ignoring the experiences of women of color.

This part of the reading made me realize that not all feminism is the same. A movement for women’s rights can still leave people out if it ignores racism, economic inequality, and immigration issues. Intersectional feminism tries to include more voices and experiences. That makes the movement stronger and more honest.

The chapter also talks about the #MeToo movement. Many people know it because of famous cases involving celebrities and powerful men. But the reading reminds us that sexual violence affects many other groups too, including farmworkers and low-income women. This is important because media attention often focuses on rich or famous people, while others are forgotten.

I think this is a strong point in the reading. Justice should not depend on fame, money, or status. All survivors deserve support and attention. The same movement can mean different things for different communities. Ethnic Studies helps us look at who is being centered and who is being ignored.

Another important movement mentioned in the chapter is #MMIWG2S, which stands for Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women, Girls, and Two-Spirit people. This movement draws attention to violence against Indigenous women and gender-diverse people. The reading also says activists have raised awareness about the murders of Black and Latina trans women.

This section was very powerful to me because it shows how some groups face extreme violence but still receive very little public attention. Indigenous women, trans women, and especially trans women of color often face serious danger. The chapter reminds us that gender justice must include them too. A movement cannot claim justice if it leaves out the most vulnerable people.

The image and phrase “Black Trans Lives Matter” also stood out to me. It is direct and powerful. It reminds us that trans rights are part of larger freedom struggles. Trans people deserve safety, dignity, and full humanity.

The sidebar about Linda Sarsour and the Women’s March was also very interesting. It explains how women of color helped shape the march and make it more inclusive. Linda Sarsour, Tamika Mallory, Carmen Perez, and others worked to make sure the march included issues of race, religion, immigration, and economic justice, not only general women’s rights.

I think this part is important because it shows that organizing is not always easy. Even within progressive movements, there can be tension, misunderstanding, and exclusion. Some white women were not used to being led by women of color. Some people accused the organizers of being divisive when they centered marginalized women. But the reading explains that centering marginalized women is not divisive. It is necessary for real justice.

This was one of the most meaningful lessons in the chapter for me. Sometimes people think unity means ignoring differences. But true unity should include honesty about different experiences. Women of color, Muslim women, immigrant women, and poor women all face different challenges. A real movement must listen to them.

I also liked the part where Linda Sarsour described being unapologetically Muslim American, unapologetically Palestinian American, and unapologetically from Brooklyn. That statement shows pride and courage. It is a refusal to hide identity in order to be accepted. I think that is a very powerful message in a time when many people face racism and Islamophobia.

The reading says that millions of people joined the Women’s March across the country and around the world. This shows that people were ready to act. It also shows the power of social media and online organizing. In the 21st century, people can connect quickly and build large movements in a short time. But the chapter also suggests that marches must lead to long-term action. A protest is powerful, but the work must continue after that day.

Overall, this reading shows that contemporary justice movements are broad, connected, and still developing. Environmental justice, racial justice, and gender justice are not separate issues. They overlap. Communities of color and Indigenous communities often face many forms of harm at the same time. That is why intersectional organizing is so important.

My reflection is that this chapter feels very relevant to today’s world. These are not only historical issues. These are issues people are still fighting right now. Climate change, police violence, anti-Asian hate, attacks on trans people, and violence against Indigenous women are all current problems. Reading this chapter made me feel that justice work is still urgent.

It also made me think that movements need both courage and creativity. Today’s activists use marches, hashtags, digital art, public speeches, and community organizing. They continue the work of earlier generations, but they also create new strategies for new times.

In conclusion, this chapter shows that 21st century movements are continuing the struggle for justice in many areas. Environmental justice protects communities and land. Racial justice challenges police violence and systemic racism. Gender justice fights patriarchy and supports survivors and marginalized women and trans people. These movements are deeply connected. They remind us that justice requires solidarity, participation, and leadership from everyday people. I think this reading is inspiring because it shows that people are still fighting for a better and more equal world.

 

11.8: Summary/Review

Reflection Summary: Chapter 11 Summary and Review

This chapter summary brings together the main ideas from the whole chapter. It reminds us that Ethnic Studies is deeply connected to social movements. These movements are important because they fight for justice, equality, freedom, and dignity. They challenge racism, colonialism, patriarchy, capitalism, and other systems of oppression. This chapter shows that change does not happen by itself. Change happens when people organize, resist, and stand in solidarity with one another.

One of the main ideas in this summary is that social movements are central to Ethnic Studies. Ethnic Studies is not only about reading history. It is also about learning from struggle and understanding how people have fought for justice. The chapter explains that movements for racial justice and decolonization helped advance civil rights, Indigenous sovereignty, labor rights, and transnational solidarity. This means that many of the freedoms and protections people have today came from long struggles and sacrifices.

I think this is one of the most important lessons from the chapter. Many people may think that justice comes from laws or leaders alone. But this chapter reminds us that ordinary people played a major role in making change. Communities came together, organized, protested, and demanded better conditions. Their resistance changed history.

The summary also explains that solidarity is very important. Solidarity means people supporting one another in struggles for justice. It means communities working together instead of staying divided. Throughout the chapter, we learned that solidarity helped connect different groups and helped movements grow stronger. Without solidarity, many of these struggles would have been weaker.

I think solidarity is powerful because oppression often tries to divide people. Racism, sexism, colonialism, and capitalism all create separation and inequality. But solidarity helps people unite across differences. It helps them focus on shared goals. This chapter shows that solidarity can create real change.

The summary also says that intersectionality and decolonization share many principles with other anti-oppressive systems. This means that different justice frameworks are connected. They all try to challenge unfair systems and create a more equal society. But the chapter also reminds us that each community has its own history and local conditions. Because of that, communities must use the resources and strategies that fit their own situation.

This made me reflect on how movements are both connected and unique. There is no one single way to fight injustice. Some communities may organize protests. Others may build support centers, create art, or focus on legal action. The important thing is that people use the tools that work in their own context.

One example the summary gives is the Black Panther Party’s free breakfast program. This is a good example of mutual support inside social movements. The Black Panther Party did not only protest racism and police violence. They also helped children and families in their communities. They provided food and support where the government had failed. This shows that activism is not only about speaking against injustice. It is also about building care and support for people.

I think this is a very meaningful lesson. Real movements do not only criticize the system. They also try to create better systems of care. Helping people meet basic needs can be a powerful political act. It also shows love, responsibility, and community strength.

The summary says that learning how activists worked for change creates new possibilities for students, advocates, and scholars. I strongly agree with this point. When students learn about movements, they can imagine new ways to build a more just society. History becomes a source of inspiration. It shows that people before us faced hard conditions and still found ways to resist.

This is important because many people today may feel powerless. They may think problems like racism or inequality are too big to change. But the history in this chapter shows that change is possible. It may take time, and it may be difficult, but organized people can make a difference.

The image of “Self-Determination” at the end of the summary is also meaningful. Self-determination means the power to decide your own future. It means communities having agency, voice, and control over their own lives. This idea appeared throughout the chapter in many ways. Indigenous sovereignty, labor rights, civil rights, and transnational justice all involve the struggle for self-determination.

I think self-determination is a strong and inspiring theme. It reminds us that oppressed communities are not only asking for kindness. They are demanding power, respect, and freedom to shape their own future.

The chapter also reviews many key terms. One important term is Indigenous sovereignty. This means the self-determination and legal standing of Native and Indigenous peoples. It includes land rights, treaties, and political recognition. This term matters because it reminds us that Indigenous justice is not only about cultural respect. It is also about land, government, and political rights.

Another key term is the Disability Justice Framework. This framework centers people with disabilities and focuses on representation, advocacy, and social change. I think it is important that the chapter includes disability justice because justice movements must include all marginalized groups. Disability justice reminds us that accessibility, inclusion, and dignity matter.

The chapter also defines allies and accomplices. Allies are people from dominant groups who support marginalized communities and try to understand their own privilege. Accomplices go even further. They take more sustained and proactive action. They work closely with marginalized groups and take risks to challenge the status quo. Another term used is co-conspirator.

I found these terms helpful because they show that support can happen at different levels. It is not enough to simply say you care. Real solidarity requires action, listening, and accountability. This is something that many people need to learn more deeply.

Another important term is boycott. A boycott is a nonviolent protest where people refuse to buy or use certain goods or services to create pressure for change. The chapter gives examples like the Montgomery Bus Boycott and the grape boycott led by the United Farm Workers. Boycotts are powerful because they show that everyday people can use their choices to challenge injustice.

The chapter also reviews the Civil Rights Movement. This movement helped end legal segregation, protect voting rights, and challenge racism in public life. It used nonviolent protest, sit-ins, marches, and civil disobedience. The summary reminds us that Martin Luther King Jr. was important, but so were other leaders like Bayard Rustin, Fannie Lou Hamer, Ella Baker, and Septima Clark.

I think this reminder matters because history often focuses on just one or two famous names. But movements are always built by many people. Women, young people, queer activists, and ordinary workers all helped make the Civil Rights Movement possible.

Another key idea is serve-the-people programs. These were programs created by groups like the Black Panthers, Brown Berets, Young Lords, and others to provide things like food, healthcare, and housing support. These programs helped communities survive and resist neglect from the government.

This part of the chapter stood out to me because it shows that activism includes direct service and care. A movement becomes stronger when it helps people in real ways. It also shows that communities can organize to meet their own needs when institutions fail them.

The chapter also explains workers centers. These are places that support vulnerable workers, especially immigrants, women, and undocumented laborers. Workers centers help with problems like wage theft, harassment, and deportation threats. Groups like Mujeres Unidas y Activas are examples of this kind of organizing.

I think workers centers are important because they show that labor justice is still needed today. Many workers still face exploitation. These centers help people organize and defend their rights. They also build community power.

The summary also reviews the Domestic Workers Bill of Rights. This refers to workplace protections for domestic workers, such as overtime pay, protection from harassment, rest, privacy, and sick leave. This matters because domestic workers have often been excluded from labor protections. They do essential work, but their labor is often undervalued.

The chapter also brings up the Bracero Program. This was a guest worker program that brought Mexican laborers to the United States for farm work. It shows how workers were used for labor but not given equal dignity or rights. This helps us understand how immigration, labor, and exploitation are connected.

Another key term is the Delano Grape Strike. This strike was started by Filipinx labor leader Larry Itliong and later joined by César Chávez, Dolores Huerta, and Mexican workers. The strike lasted five years and led to major gains for farmworkers. It also showed the importance of multiracial solidarity.

This part is very significant to me because it corrects the common story that only one group led the movement. The farmworkers movement was multiracial. Filipinx and Mexican workers stood together. This is a strong example of solidarity across racial and ethnic lines.

The summary also includes the history of “Comfort Women.” This term refers to women and girls forced into sexual slavery by the Japanese Imperial Army. Survivors and supporters still demand apology and reparations. This issue is important because it shows how war, patriarchy, colonialism, and violence are connected. It also shows the importance of transnational organizing and memory.

Another important term is Environmental Justice. Environmental justice focuses on the way environmental harm often affects low-income communities of color and Indigenous communities the most. Pollution, toxic waste, and unsafe living conditions are not spread equally. This is why environmental justice is also a racial justice issue.

I think this is very relevant today because environmental problems are growing. Climate change, pollution, and land destruction continue to harm many communities. The chapter helps us see that environmental justice is not separate from social justice.

The discussion questions at the end of the chapter are also useful. They ask students to think about allies, social movements, and personal motivation. These questions encourage reflection. They help students connect the chapter to their own lives and communities.

The journal prompts are also meaningful. They ask students to think about frameworks for action, farmworker history, and domestic worker history. I think these prompts help deepen understanding because they encourage students to reflect, not only memorize facts.

The class activities are also practical. The ally role play activity helps students think about how to respond to unfair situations in real life. The activist sign-making activity shows how art and slogans can help spread awareness. These activities fit well with Ethnic Studies because they connect ideas with action.

My overall reflection on this chapter is that it brings together many powerful examples of resistance and solidarity. It helps show the bigger picture of why Ethnic Studies matters. This field teaches that communities of color, Indigenous peoples, workers, women, immigrants, and many other groups have always fought for justice. Their struggles are not separate stories. They are connected by a common fight against oppression.

I also think this chapter is inspiring because it does not only talk about suffering. It talks about action, courage, and transformation. It shows that people have always resisted injustice, even in very hard conditions. That message is important for students today.

Another important lesson for me is that justice work takes many forms. It can look like protest, testimony, education, mutual aid, labor organizing, memorial building, or art. Different movements use different tools, but they are all trying to create a more equal and humane society.

In conclusion, this chapter summary reminds us that resistance and solidarity are central to Ethnic Studies. Social movements have helped advance civil rights, Indigenous sovereignty, labor rights, transnational justice, and environmental justice. These struggles were built by ordinary people who refused to stay silent. Learning about them helps students understand history, recognize injustice, and imagine better futures. I think this chapter is important because it teaches that change is possible when people organize, care for one another, and act together.

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• Mario Alberto Viveros Espinoza-Kulick & Kay Fischer
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Conclusion

In this chapter, we have explored the dynamics and outcomes of social movements, which drive the history of Ethnic Studies both in terms of its content and pedagogy. Movements for racial justice and decolonization have been critical in advancing civil rights, Indigenous sovereignty, improved labor conditions, and transnational solidarity. These movements have inspired change and continue in our contemporary society as agents for change and transformation. Solidarity and resistance bring together communities, and address the root causes of inequity and exclusion.

In learning about various frameworks for action, we can see that intersectionality and decolonization share many principles with other anti-oppressive systems. However, diverse communities must always leverage the resources available in their own local contexts. For instance, we learned about the role of organizing mutual support for marginalized communities within social movements, like the Black Panther Party’s free breakfast for neighborhood children. Developing greater knowledge of how activists have worked toward change creates new possibilities for students, advocates, and scholars to envision and bring about more just and equitable societies, centered on the principles of anti-racism, decolonization, and solidarity. The goal of sovereignty and agency is shown visually in Figure , which represents a fist emerging out of the waves of the ocean, along with the words Self-Determination.

Figure : Self-Determination. (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0; Aaron Hughes via JustSeeds)

Key Terms

• Indigenous sovereignty: This refers to the self-determination and legal standing of Native and Indigenous peoples. Sovereignty refers to the historical relationship between peoples and governments and is an explicitly political project that concerns land rights, treaties between tribes and other governments, and the political standing of Native Americans and Indigenous peoples.
• Disability Justice Framework: A framework for social justice organizing centering people with disabilities focused on representation, advocacy, and social change.
• Allies: Allies are members of a dominant group who take an active role in understanding their privilege and working to support members of a marginalized group. This practice builds relationships across differences and encourages listening, learning from mistakes, and continually taking action. Allies take action without centering their own identity or seeking validation of their allyhood. Allyship is one component of acting in solidarity against systems of marginalization.
• Accomplices: Accomplices go beyond supporting members of a marginalized group to take sustained and proactive action, such as when white people actively work toward anti-racism, men commit to ending patriarchy, and straight/cisgender people work against the oppression of LGBTQ+ people. Accomplices have already developed substantial knowledge and cultural humility to align their actions with the leadership and goals of marginalized group members. Another term is co-conspirator. This refers to the necessity of working actively in continual collaboration with people of color and other marginalized groups and taking active risks to unsettle the status quo.
• Boycott: A nonviolent action of protest, boycotts call on the masses to abstain for commercial services in order to make an economic impact. The hope is that pressure from boycotts will push those in power to negotiate with the protestors, leading to significant social transformation. For example, Black domestic workers led the Montgomery Bus Boycott in order to challenge racial segregation in public transportation. And the United Farm Workers movement urged consumers to boycott grapes in order to pressure agricultural corporations to negotiate fair contracts with farm workers.
• Civil Rights Movement: Considered one of the most effective mass movements, the Civil Rights Movement in the United States ushered in a series of changes to laws and practices that led to the dismantling of the Jim Crow South and legal racial segregation of schools, businesses, and public transportation. The movement also led to instituting voting rights for African Americans. The Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. emerged as a leader for this movement, although there were many others who haven’t been as widely recognized for their leadership such as Bayard Rustin, Fannie Lou Hamer, Ella Baker, and Septima Clark. The Civil Rights Movement and Dr. King utilized nonviolent actions including sit-ins, protests, and marches.
• “Serve-the-people” programs: A core objective for various liberatory movements of the 1960s and '70s, the Asian American movement, Black Panthers, Brown Berets, American Indian Movement, and the Young Lords organized services for communities of color that the government failed to provide, such as access to affordable housing, healthcare, labor rights, free breakfast programs, women's rights and more.
• Workers centers: Workers centers are places and organizations that support and organize with immigrant workers who are particularly vulnerable to exploitation, such as undocumented immigrant laborers, especially women. Abuses include wage theft, no labor rights, sexual harassment, and more. These centers, like Mujeres Unidas y Activas (MUA) were established upon the arrive of immigrants with community organizing backgrounds. They work various issues including preventing deportations, supporting sanctuaries, and establishing workers rights like the Domestic Workers Bill of Rights.
• Domestic Workers Bill of Rights: A set of basic workplace rights and protections for domestic workers that are too often not considered. Some of these rights and protections include overtime pay, paid sick leave, legal protection from harassment and discrimination, set safety practices, rest and privacy. New York passed such a bill in 2010 and a Bill of Rights at the federal level has been introduced.
• The Bracero Program: The Bracero Program (1942 - 1964) started as a joint agreement between the U.S. and Mexico that led to the “importation” of male agricultural laborers, also referred to as braceros, from Mexico to the U.S. to help fill the labor shortage during WWII. The second initiation of recruitment resulted from a U.S. executive order, and was essentially a guest worker program where braceros were hired cheaply to work temporarily and returned to Mexico.
• The Delano Grape Strike: The Delano Grape Strike of 1965 is arguably the most important and successful farm workers strikes in California labor history. Initiated by Filipinx labor leader, Larry Itliong, he convinced the Mexican union to soon join, led by César Chávez and Dolores Huerta. The strike ended up lasting five long years, and strikers lost their homes and were met with violence and arrests. Organizers orchestrated a grape boycott campaign, encouraging millions of consumers to boycott purchasing grapes at their local supermarket until a deal was made with the United Farm Workers (a union created from Filipinx and Mexican unions). In 1970 multiple growers signed contracts with the UFW, raising wages, securing hiring provisions around seniority when hiring workers, and placing strict protocols on the use of harmful pesticides.
• "Comfort Women": “Comfort Women” is a euphemistic phrase used to describe around 200,000 women and girls (actual numbers might be twice as high or more) who were coerced into sexual slavery by the Japanese Imperial Army in occupied territories before and during WWII (1931-1945). This was the largest institutionalized system of sexual slavery in the twentieth century. Girls as young as 10 years old and women from at least 13 countries were taken, including: Korea, China, the Philippines, Taiwan, Indonesia, Vietnam, Thailand, Burma, Malaysia, Okinawa, East Timor, Guam, and Australia. Today, surviving "Comfort Women," affectionately called "grandmothers" and their supporters have demanded a formal apology and reparations from the Japanese government. Some members of the government, and their supporters, continue to actively deny this history and suppress calls for justice in Japan and across the globe, including in the U.S.
• Environmental Justice: These are movements led by communities of color and Indigenous peoples calling out the disastrous effects of centuries of environmental destruction. Environmental racism calls attention to how low-income communities of color are targets of pollution, including the dumping or leaking of hazardous waste, air and water contamination, and more. Environmental justice movements work to address the overlapping systems of environmental exploitation and racism.

Discussion Questions

1. Review the section on allies, accomplices, and co-conspirators. What are some examples of these you have seen? How have others shown up for you as an ally, accomplice, or co-conspirator?
2. When is the first time you remember learning about social movements? What was the context? How has your understanding changed over time?
3. Struggles for racial justice and decolonization have always included mass participation by everyday activists. What are some of the core reasons that people get involved in social movements? What would motivate you to protest a policy or institutional practice?

Journal Prompts

1. You've been introduced to several frameworks for action in this chapter. Summarize 2-3 key points for one of the frameworks that you're most drawn to. Then, explain why you're interested in that framework. If you've already been engaged in activism, how have you applied this framework of action to your own activist work? Or how might you want to?
2. What is significant when learning that the farmworkers movement was multiracial with Mexican and Filipinx farmers and leaders? Why do you think that more mainstream narratives around the farmworkers' movement don't include (or minimize the roles of) Dolores Huerta or Filipinx leaders?
3. Analyze two reasons why we should learn about the history of the domestic workers' movement and the role that women of color played in campaigns for workers' rights and justice.

Class Activities

Allyhood Role Play and Guided Discussion

• In this activity, you will have the opportunity to explore what it means to be an ally and an accomplice. Using what you learned in this chapter, you will be divided into groups to generate different responses to a specific scenario.
  • In your groups, you should roleplay the scenario to generate responses that are meaningful and authentic.
• For a small group, use one scenario and have two groups. The first group will discuss the ally response to the scenario, and the second group will discuss the accomplice response to the scenario.
• With larger groups, you may want to create multiple ally and accomplice groups. Then they can be paired together for a comparison of their perspectives before returning to the large group to debrief.
• Example Scenarios:
  • You are shopping with a friend at a clothing store, and the clerk is continuing to follow them and watch their movements. Consider how the dynamics between your friend and the clerk may be impacted by your actions.
  • While talking with a group of friends, someone mentions that they were surprised that their Black teacher had gone to a prestigious university and was very “articulate.”

Activist Sign-Making

• One of the main goals of political protests can be to raise awareness and influence how people perceive different social issues. Activist signs are typically carried at protests and usually include a slogan or phrase, along with some artistic representation or design. Some are quite simple, with a phrase or word in black Sharpee on a piece of ripped cardboard, or printed signs showing a group’s logo or candidate’s name. Others are quite elaborate, include mixed media, and make use of humor, puns, satire, and critique to evoke an emotional response and ensure retention.
  • For inspiration, you may want to look for examples. Some starting places can be found in the links in the following list.
    • Unforgettable Black Lives Matter Protest Signs
    • Here Are Some Of The Most Powerful Protest Posters From History
  • You can either conduct this activity in person using cardboard paper, markers, glue, and other sign-making materials, or online and have students use a service like Canva or other software.

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This page titled 11.8: Summary/Review is shared under a CC BY-NC 4.0 license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Mario Alberto Viveros Espinoza-Kulick & Kay Fischer (ASCCC Open Educational Resources Initiative (OERI)) .

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11.6: Transnational Organizing in the Diaspora

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Reflection Summary: Contemporary Environmental, Racial and Gender Justice Movements

This reading explains many important justice movements in the 21st century. It shows that even though time has changed, many old problems are still with us today. Racism, police brutality, war, gender inequality, environmental destruction, and struggles over land and sovereignty are still major issues. At the same time, people today also face new challenges like climate change and the fast spread of information through social media. This chapter helped me understand that today’s movements are connected to the struggles of the past, but they also use new tools and new forms of organizing.

One of the main ideas in this reading is that the fight for justice is not finished. Earlier generations fought against racism, colonialism, sexism, and economic injustice. Today, many of those same systems still exist. The chapter shows that activists today continue this work. They organize in communities, online, and across the country. They also build movements that connect environmental justice, racial justice, and gender justice together.

The first section focuses on environmental justice. Environmental justice means that all communities should have clean air, clean water, safe land, and protection from environmental harm. But in reality, communities of color and Indigenous communities are often the ones most affected by pollution and environmental destruction. This is called environmental racism. Factories, refineries, and industrial waste are often placed near low-income communities of color. These communities then suffer more health problems and more harm.

This part of the reading made me think about how unfair environmental problems can be. Pollution does not affect everyone equally. Some communities are forced to live closer to danger than others. This is not only a nature issue. It is also a race and class issue. Ethnic Studies helps us understand that environmental harm is connected to power. The people with the least power often face the most pollution.

The reading gives the example of Oxnard, California. Community groups such as CAUSE worked to stop the building of a power plant. After years of organizing, they won. This was important because the community was mostly people of color. Their victory helped protect cleaner air. I think this example is powerful because it shows that local communities can make a difference. Change may take years, but organizing can lead to real results.

The chapter also explains that environmental justice is deeply connected to Indigenous sovereignty. Indigenous communities do not only see land as property. Land is connected to culture, history, spirituality, and survival. Because of settler colonialism, many Indigenous people were pushed off their lands and separated from their traditional homes. So environmental justice for Indigenous communities also means the struggle for land, sovereignty, and self-determination.

This part of the reading helped me understand why Land Back movements are so important. Land Back means returning land to Indigenous people and respecting treaty rights. It is not only about ownership. It is also about healing relationships between people and land. It is about restoring justice after generations of colonization.

The reading mentions the NDN Collective and other movements that support Land Back. It also talks about Water Protectors who protested projects like the Dakota Access Pipeline and Line 3. These movements protect water, land, and life. The phrase “We Are Not Protestors. We Are Protectors” stood out to me. It shows that these activists do not only oppose something. They are also defending something sacred and necessary.

I think this is a very important lesson. Environmental justice is not only about stopping harm. It is also about caring for the earth. It is about stewardship, responsibility, and respect. Indigenous movements show that justice must include both people and the environment.

The reading also talks about the Sogorea Te’ Land Trust in northern California. This project is led by urban Indigenous women and works to protect Ohlone lands from development. I found this example inspiring because it shows that Indigenous activism is active today, not only in the past. Native women are leading efforts to protect land and build a different future.

The second major part of the chapter is about racial justice and gender justice. The reading explains that racial justice movements have taken an important place in politics and culture in the 21st century. People today speak out in the streets and online. Social media helps movements spread faster and reach larger audiences.

One major example is Black Lives Matter. This network began in 2013 after the killings of Trayvon Martin, Michael Brown, Eric Garner, Rekia Boyd, and others. Black Lives Matter protests police violence against Black people, especially the killing of unarmed Black people. But the movement also opened larger conversations about racism, inequality, and state violence.

This movement is important because it forced many people to pay attention to problems that had existed for a long time. Police violence was not new, but Black Lives Matter made more people talk about it openly. It also challenged people to think about systemic racism, not just individual cases. I think this movement is one of the most powerful examples of modern activism.

The reading also mentions the #SayHerName campaign. This campaign was created to bring attention to Black women, girls, and femmes who experience police violence. This is very important because women are often left out of public conversations about racial violence. The campaign reminds us that justice must be intersectional. We must look at race and gender together.

This part of the reading taught me that some victims get more attention than others. If a movement does not think carefully about gender, then some people may be forgotten. #SayHerName helps correct that. It asks people to remember Black women and girls whose lives are too often ignored.

The chapter also says these movements have raised calls to defund the police, abolish prisons, and address systemic racism in all forms. These are big demands. They go beyond asking for a few small reforms. They ask people to question the whole system. I think this shows that justice movements today are not only about one event. They are about changing structures that create harm again and again.

The reading then discusses anti-Asian racism in the 21st century. After 9/11, many Arab, Muslim, South Asian, and Southwest Asian people faced racism, profiling, and discrimination. Later, during the COVID-19 pandemic, anti-Asian hate increased again. Some political leaders and individuals spread lies that blamed Asians and Asian Americans for the pandemic.

This part of the chapter made me think about how quickly fear can turn into racism. In times of crisis, some people look for groups to blame. This causes violence and division. But the reading also shows that people fought back. Communities came together, supported each other, and built alliances against xenophobia. This reminds me that solidarity is very important during hard times.

The chapter then turns to gender justice. It explains that gender and patriarchy deeply affect racial justice. Gender justice movements in the 21st century often use an intersectional approach. This means they do not only focus on gender alone. They also think about race, class, sexuality, immigration, and other systems of power.

The Women’s March is one example. It began in 2016 and became one of the largest protest movements in U.S. history in 2017. The reading says the Women’s March tried to bring intersectional feminism into the mainstream women’s movement. This was important because many earlier women’s movements were criticized for centering mostly white women and ignoring the experiences of women of color.

This part of the reading made me realize that not all feminism is the same. A movement for women’s rights can still leave people out if it ignores racism, economic inequality, and immigration issues. Intersectional feminism tries to include more voices and experiences. That makes the movement stronger and more honest.

The chapter also talks about the #MeToo movement. Many people know it because of famous cases involving celebrities and powerful men. But the reading reminds us that sexual violence affects many other groups too, including farmworkers and low-income women. This is important because media attention often focuses on rich or famous people, while others are forgotten.

I think this is a strong point in the reading. Justice should not depend on fame, money, or status. All survivors deserve support and attention. The same movement can mean different things for different communities. Ethnic Studies helps us look at who is being centered and who is being ignored.

Another important movement mentioned in the chapter is #MMIWG2S, which stands for Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women, Girls, and Two-Spirit people. This movement draws attention to violence against Indigenous women and gender-diverse people. The reading also says activists have raised awareness about the murders of Black and Latina trans women.

This section was very powerful to me because it shows how some groups face extreme violence but still receive very little public attention. Indigenous women, trans women, and especially trans women of color often face serious danger. The chapter reminds us that gender justice must include them too. A movement cannot claim justice if it leaves out the most vulnerable people.

The image and phrase “Black Trans Lives Matter” also stood out to me. It is direct and powerful. It reminds us that trans rights are part of larger freedom struggles. Trans people deserve safety, dignity, and full humanity.

The sidebar about Linda Sarsour and the Women’s March was also very interesting. It explains how women of color helped shape the march and make it more inclusive. Linda Sarsour, Tamika Mallory, Carmen Perez, and others worked to make sure the march included issues of race, religion, immigration, and economic justice, not only general women’s rights.

I think this part is important because it shows that organizing is not always easy. Even within progressive movements, there can be tension, misunderstanding, and exclusion. Some white women were not used to being led by women of color. Some people accused the organizers of being divisive when they centered marginalized women. But the reading explains that centering marginalized women is not divisive. It is necessary for real justice.

This was one of the most meaningful lessons in the chapter for me. Sometimes people think unity means ignoring differences. But true unity should include honesty about different experiences. Women of color, Muslim women, immigrant women, and poor women all face different challenges. A real movement must listen to them.

I also liked the part where Linda Sarsour described being unapologetically Muslim American, unapologetically Palestinian American, and unapologetically from Brooklyn. That statement shows pride and courage. It is a refusal to hide identity in order to be accepted. I think that is a very powerful message in a time when many people face racism and Islamophobia.

The reading says that millions of people joined the Women’s March across the country and around the world. This shows that people were ready to act. It also shows the power of social media and online organizing. In the 21st century, people can connect quickly and build large movements in a short time. But the chapter also suggests that marches must lead to long-term action. A protest is powerful, but the work must continue after that day.

Overall, this reading shows that contemporary justice movements are broad, connected, and still developing. Environmental justice, racial justice, and gender justice are not separate issues. They overlap. Communities of color and Indigenous communities often face many forms of harm at the same time. That is why intersectional organizing is so important.

My reflection is that this chapter feels very relevant to today’s world. These are not only historical issues. These are issues people are still fighting right now. Climate change, police violence, anti-Asian hate, attacks on trans people, and violence against Indigenous women are all current problems. Reading this chapter made me feel that justice work is still urgent.

It also made me think that movements need both courage and creativity. Today’s activists use marches, hashtags, digital art, public speeches, and community organizing. They continue the work of earlier generations, but they also create new strategies for new times.

In conclusion, this chapter shows that 21st century movements are continuing the struggle for justice in many areas. Environmental justice protects communities and land. Racial justice challenges police violence and systemic racism. Gender justice fights patriarchy and supports survivors and marginalized women and trans people. These movements are deeply connected. They remind us that justice requires solidarity, participation, and leadership from everyday people. I think this reading is inspiring because it shows that people are still fighting for a better and more equal world.

Reflection Summary: Transnational Organizing in the Diaspora

This reading teaches about the movement for justice for “comfort women.” It is a painful and important history. The chapter explains how women and girls were forced into sexual slavery by the Japanese Imperial Army before and during World War II. It also explains how survivors, activists, and supporters around the world have organized for truth, justice, and remembrance. This reading is very emotional because it shows both deep suffering and strong resistance. It reminds us that even after war ends, the struggle for justice can continue for many years.

The reading begins by explaining the meaning of the term “comfort women.” This phrase sounds gentle, but it hides terrible violence. It is a euphemism. It was used to describe women and girls who were forced into sexual slavery by the Japanese military. Around 200,000 women and girls were affected, and some sources say the number may have been even higher. These girls and women came from at least thirteen countries. Many were from Korea, China, the Philippines, Taiwan, Indonesia, Vietnam, Thailand, Burma, Malaysia, Okinawa, East Timor, Guam, and Australia.

This part of the reading made me think about how language can hide cruelty. The phrase “comfort women” does not show the truth of what happened. These women were not there by choice. They were kidnapped, tricked, and forced into a brutal system. This is important because words can sometimes make violence sound smaller than it really is. Ethnic Studies teaches us to look beyond soft language and understand the real history.

The reading explains that this system became fully organized after the Nanjing Massacre in 1937. The Japanese military created “comfort stations” where women and girls were raped and abused by soldiers. Some women were taken directly by the military. Others were taken by local police or governments that were working with Japan. Some were lied to and told they would get jobs in factories or hospitals. Instead, they were trapped in a system of organized rape and violence.

This was one of the hardest parts of the reading for me. Most of the girls were very young. Many were only thirteen to sixteen years old. Some were even younger. They were taken far from home and moved from place to place. Some reports say they were raped many times a day. If they resisted, they were beaten, starved, tortured, or killed. Some were forced to have abortions. Many became infertile. Many died. Some killed themselves because the suffering was too much.

Reading this made me feel sadness and anger. It is hard to imagine how much pain these girls and women went through. It also shows that war violence is not only about soldiers and battles. Women and girls are often harmed in very specific ways during war. Their bodies become targets of military power. This is why the issue of “comfort women” is not only a women’s issue. It is also a human rights issue, a war issue, and an issue of colonial violence.

The reading says that only a small percentage survived. Even when Japan lost the war in 1945, many survivors were not rescued or protected. Some were killed to destroy evidence. Others were abandoned in foreign countries. Many could not go home. Some were afraid their families would reject them. Some felt too much shame to speak. So they lived in silence for many years.

This part of the chapter made me think about how trauma can continue long after violence ends. Survival does not mean healing. These women lived with deep physical and emotional pain. Many of them carried this burden alone. That silence was not because they were weak. It was because society often blames victims, especially women who experience sexual violence. This is very unfair. The shame should have belonged to the system and to the military that committed these crimes, not to the survivors.

The reading explains that survivors began speaking publicly in 1991. Kim Hak-soon was the first former “comfort woman” to testify openly about her experience. Her testimony broke decades of silence. After her, other survivors also came forward. This was a very brave act. Speaking about such painful experiences in public takes great courage. Her testimony helped change history because it made the world listen.

I think this is one of the most powerful parts of the reading. It shows the importance of testimony. In Ethnic Studies, the voices of ordinary people matter. Survivors tell the truth from the ground up. Their stories challenge official denial and silence. Testimonies are important because they bring humanity into history. They also show that truth does not only come from governments or textbooks. It also comes from people who lived through the violence.

The reading also talks about Japanese historian Yoshiaki Yoshimi, who found direct evidence in 1992 that the Japanese military had overseen the “comfort stations.” This was important because the Japanese government had denied responsibility. The evidence showed that the system was not random. It was organized by the military and the state. This helps prove that what happened was not a private matter or an accident. It was a state crime.

The reading says that the movement for justice for “comfort women” became one of the most visible global movements against wartime sexual violence. This movement does more than seek justice for the survivors. It also helps people understand how rape can be used as a weapon of war. It connects war, colonialism, sexism, and racism. Asian American activists also connect this issue to the hypersexualization of Asian women and the long history of violence against them.

This made me reflect on how one historical issue can connect to many larger systems. The story of “comfort women” is not only about the past. It also helps us think about how women are treated in war, how Asian women are stereotyped, and how governments try to avoid responsibility. It shows that sexual violence is often connected to power, empire, and military occupation.

The chapter explains that the movement centered the voices of the surviving “grandmothers.” I really liked this part because it shows respect for the survivors. Calling them “grandmothers” gives them dignity and humanity. It also reminds people that they are not only victims. They are elders, witnesses, and leaders in the movement. Their voices helped reshape what counts as truth in history.

The reading explains that survivors demanded a formal apology and compensation from the Japanese government. Some individual Japanese officials gave statements of regret, but there has still not been a full official apology to all women from all countries. There has also not been full acceptance of legal responsibility. Some private funds were created, but many activists rejected them because the money did not come directly from the government. They wanted official accountability, not only private charity.

This part helped me understand the difference between sympathy and justice. A kind statement or private donation is not the same as responsibility. The survivors wanted Japan to clearly admit what happened and accept state responsibility. They wanted real justice, not a half apology. This is very important because true reconciliation requires truth and accountability.

The reading also discusses the 2015 “agreement” between Japan and South Korea. This agreement was criticized because it was not written, and because it excluded many survivors. It also did not fully recognize legal responsibility. Japan wanted South Korea to stop criticizing them and remove the memorial in front of the Japanese Embassy in Seoul. Many survivors and supporters rejected this agreement because it did not center the voices and needs of the survivors.

This made me think about how governments sometimes try to solve issues in a political way without truly listening to the people most affected. A real solution should include the survivors. It should not silence them or force memorials to be removed. It should not call the issue “final and irreversible” when the survivors themselves do not agree.

The reading says that surviving “comfort women” also filed lawsuits. In 2021, they won one case against Japan, but Japan ignored the ruling. In another case, the court gave Japan sovereign immunity and ended the lawsuit. Even so, both trials recognized the survivors’ claims. This shows that legal justice is difficult. Even when truth is recognized, power and politics can still block accountability.

Another important part of the chapter is the role of organizing in the United States. Activists in the U.S. worked to support the “comfort women” movement. In 2007, Representative Mike Honda sponsored House Resolution 121, calling on Japan to formally acknowledge and apologize for the sexual slavery system. This shows that diaspora communities can play an important role in transnational justice movements.

The reading also explains that San Francisco approved a “comfort women” memorial in 2015. Other memorials were also built in places like Glendale, Virginia, Michigan, and New Jersey. California also added “comfort women” to the 10th grade world history curriculum in 2016. These actions are important because they help keep history alive. Memorials and education help future generations remember what happened.

I think this part is very inspiring. It shows that justice work can happen in many forms. It can happen through protests, memorials, school curriculum, and public art. Memory itself becomes a form of resistance. When people build memorials and teach history, they challenge denial and silence.

The chapter also talks about denialism. Some people and groups still deny that the Japanese government was involved. Some even say the women were paid prostitutes, which is not supported by evidence. Others try to remove memorials or stop education about this history. This is very disturbing. It shows that the struggle is not only about the past. It is also about the present. People are still fighting over memory and truth today.

The example of the Glendale memorial was important. Opponents tried to sue the city to remove it, but the lawsuit was dismissed. The court recognized that the memorial was a stand against human rights violations. This reminds me that memorials are not only symbols. They are also public statements about justice and human dignity.

The reading also mentions that the mayor of Osaka tried to pressure San Francisco to remove its memorial by ending sister-city ties. But civic groups and Japanese activists continued to show solidarity. Some Japanese delegates even came to San Francisco and said they were seeking an apology from their own government. I thought this was very meaningful. It shows that solidarity can cross national borders. Not all Japanese people support denial. Some are also fighting for truth and justice.

This part helped me understand the meaning of transnational organizing in the diaspora. People across different countries can work together for a shared cause. Asian Americans, survivors, Japanese activists, feminists, and human rights groups all joined this movement. They used memory, testimony, education, and public action to fight for justice.

One quote in the reading says that teaching “comfort women” history and building memorials are acts of resistance. I strongly agree with this. Remembering is political. When powerful people want a history to disappear, teaching it becomes resistance. Memorials are not only about the past. They are about the future too. They help people learn, reflect, and organize.

My reflection on this chapter is that it is both heartbreaking and inspiring. It is heartbreaking because it tells the story of terrible violence against young girls and women. It is inspiring because survivors and activists refused to stay silent. They turned pain into a movement for truth and justice. They showed strength, courage, and dignity.

This chapter also made me think about the role of diaspora communities. People who live outside their homeland can still play a major role in justice movements. They can raise awareness, pressure governments, build memorials, and teach history. This is especially important when the home government denies the truth.

In conclusion, this reading shows that the fight for justice for “comfort women” is a powerful example of transnational organizing. It connects history, memory, gender justice, human rights, and diaspora activism. The survivors’ voices challenged silence and denial. Activists across countries helped keep the movement alive. This chapter reminds us that justice is not easy or quick, but remembering, organizing, and speaking the truth are powerful forms of resistance.

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• Mario Alberto Viveros Espinoza-Kulick & Kay Fischer
• ASCCC Open Educational Resources Initiative (OERI)

Justice for Comfort Women



Figure : "Comfort Women" - San Francisco Comfort Women Memorial, Column of Strength Statue. Statue designed by Steven Whyte. (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0; Photo by Stephanie Contreras)

“Comfort Women” is a euphemistic phrase used to describe around 200,000 women and girls (actual numbers vary according to each source, although some claim the numbers might have been as high as 400,000) who were coerced into sexual slavery by the Japanese Imperial Army in occupied territories before and during WWII (1931-1945). This was the largest institutionalized system of sexual slavery in the twentieth century. Girls as young as 10 years old and women from at least 13 countries were taken, including: Korea, China, the Philippines, Taiwan, Indonesia, Vietnam, Thailand, Burma, Malaysia, Okinawa, East Timor, Guam, and Australia.

The Japanese Imperial Army first started with early recruitment during the Russo and Sino Japanese Wars (1894 - 1895 and 1904 - 1905), but it wasn’t until the Nanjing Massacre in 1937, where the “comfort woman system” became fully operational, as testimonies and reports told how women and girls were raped and systemically prostituted in Japanese “comfort stations.” The justification for this system was apparently to prevent soldiers from gang-raping women in occupied Manchuria (Fukushima, 2010, p. 761). Soon, the military enacted forced "recruitment" and kidnappings across Japanese colonies. Girls and women were either directly taken by the Japanese, or by local governments and police departments who were ordered to provide women for them. They were also tricked with false promises of jobs (working in factories or hospitals) and instead, “found themselves trapped in a system of normalized sexual violence, or, rather, institutionalized rape” (p. 759).

These so-called “Comfort Women” were mostly teenagers, between the ages of 13-16. They were trafficked to comfort stations located all over occupied Japanese territory, oftentimes far from their homes, and trafficked from location to location. They were raped by some accounts up to 50 times daily, and when they resisted, the girls and women were starved, beaten, tortured, killed, and many ended up committing suicide. If they became pregnant, abortions were forced and some became infertile because of the daily systematic abuse and torture or due to STDs. It’s estimated that only 10 - 35% survived, particularly after Japan’s defeat in 1945 when many of the girls and women were killed by soldiers in an attempt to destroy evidence of the “comfort women” system (Fukushima, 2010, p. 761; Qiu, et al, 2013, p. 71 and p.74). The few who escaped or survived were abandoned in foreign countries, far from their homes. Many did not return home due to shame or for fear of being rejected by their families. They lived for decades in secrecy and suffered alone in silence, until 1991 when survivors began to share their testimonies publicly and confronted the Japanese government, demanding reparations and a formal apology. Three decades later, those demands have not been met.

Breaking the Silence and Justice for “Comfort Women” Movement



Figure : Dozens protested and marched in Berlin, to demand justice for the Korean "Comfort Women." (CC BY 2.0; Photo by Hossam el-Hamalawy)

Decades of silence and denial followed the war, but during the 1980s and 1990s, Japanese, South Korean, and Chinese activists, journalists, and feminists started to bring attention to this history. In 1991, former "comfort woman" Kim Hak-soon broke the silence and was the first to publicly testify to her experience, then others followed suit. The Japanese government denied any military and state involvement in creating a sex slavery system. Kim testified,

For fifty years, I have had a heavy, painful feeling, but kept thinking in my heart about telling my experience some day. . . As I try to speak now, my heart pounds against my chest, because what happened in the past was something extremely unconscionable . . . Why does [the Japanese government] tell such a lie [to deny its knowledge of comfort women system]? Actually, I was made into a comfort woman, and I’m here alive (Nozaki 2005).

In 1992, Japanese historian Yoshiaki Yoshimi discovered direct evidence of the Japanese military’s role in overseeing “comfort stations” despite the government's absolute silence about wartime atrocities committed during Japanese occupation in various parts of Asia. The continued denial is a struggle this movement faces, but the justice for “Comfort Women” movement remains “one of the most visible global initiatives to break the silence surrounding wartime atrocities and sexual violence” (Fukushima, 2010, p. 760). The movement to reveal the “dirty” secret of war and the use of rape as a weapon is an international human rights issue. The call for redress and reconciliation exposed the systemic role of the military in organized rape and torture, and Asian Americans in this movement have made important connections to the hypersexualization of Asian women and men, impacts of colonialism, western expansion being linked to violence, racism, and sexism, redress for war crimes, and the effects of sexual violence against women (pp. 759-760).

The movement uplifted testimonies of the brave “grandmothers,” highlighting the important role of testimonies by everyday persons in the field of Ethnic Studies and understanding the history of marginalized racial groups. Professor of Ethnic Studies, University of Utah, Annie Fukushima, wrote that,

Testimonials by surviving comfort women have shifted the paradigm of what counts as truth in Asian American history because the movement is defined by the voices of the comfort women, who suggest that there is a need to tell stories from the "ground up" and to hear the words of those who directly experience struggle. Testimonies convey that there are no words that can easily describe what the women went through. Such testimonies have proved valuable to the work of historians. Testimonies also proved critical for conveying to the Asian American movement what the comfort women experienced (2010, p. 760).

Surviving "Comfort Women" and activists have demanded a formal apology from the Japanese government, and sued for compensation. Some statements and apologies have been given by individual members of the Japanese government, such as when Prime Minister Miyazawa Kiichi officially apologized to South Korea (Nozaki 2005). But, there’s yet to be an official apology directed toward all the women of various nationalities, nor major policy changing statements. There's been minimal education about "comfort women" in school textbooks in Japan. Private funds were set in 1994 to compensate survivors, but many "comfort women" activists rejected it, citing it wasn't official since money came from private donations. More recently, there have been efforts by the conservative Japanese government and revisionist organizations to interrupt memorialization efforts in the U.S., largely denying the government's involvement or claiming that "Comfort Women" were highly paid prostitutes. As of 2022, the Japanese government continues to publicly deny any involvement, including one of their most boisterous deniers, former Prime Minister of Japan, Shinzo Abe (who was assassinated on July 8, 2022).

The 2015 “Agreement” between Japan and South Korea

The so-called 2015 “Agreement” between Japan and South Korea was only an oral “agreement,” never written, and has been rejected by “Comfort Women” survivors and their supporters. The discussed fund to support “Comfort Women” was conditional, Japan demanding that South Korea stop criticizing them and remove the "comfort women" memorial in front of the Japanese Embassy in Seoul, and consider the matter a "final and irreversible resolution." This “agreement” has also faced criticism for excluding surviving “Comfort Women,” including those from 12 other nations, for negating coercion and legal responsibility by the Japanese government, and because this so-called compensation would not be paid directly to survivors.

Surviving “comfort women” filed a lawsuit against the Japanese government and in January 2021, they won the case, but the Japanese government ignored the ruling. In another verdict in April of that same year, the court granted sovereign immunity to Japan and the “comfort women” victim’s lawsuit was ended. Regardless, both trials acknowledged the survivors’ claims about the Japanese military’s role in coerced sex slavery (Hosaka, 2021).

Fighting for Justice from the U.S.



Figure : Author Kay Fischer and Chabot College students pose with Grandma Lee Yong-soo at the Columns of Strength memorial unveiling in San Francisco, September 22, 2017. (Licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0; Photo by Kay Fischer)

Activists in the United States also fought for justice for our "grandmothers," pressuring political representatives to take action. In 2007, Representative Mike Honda sponsored House Resolution 121 which expressed that the government of Japan "should formally acknowledge, apologize, and accept historical responsibility in a clear and unequivocal manner for its Imperial Armed Forces' coercion of young women into sexual slavery."

In 2015, San Francisco Board of Supervisors unanimously voted to approve a “Comfort Women” memorial to be built, becoming the first major city in the United States to have such a memorial. In addition, four more “Comfort Women” memorials exist in the U.S.: Glendale, CA, Virginia, Michigan, and New Jersey. In 2016, the California Board of Education approved the inclusion of "comfort women" in 10th grade world history curriculum. Both efforts have been supported by various human rights, feminist, and Asian American organizations, such as the "Comfort Women" Justice Coalition (CWJC), self-described as “a grassroots, multi-ethnic and multi-national group of individuals and organizations” ("Comfort Women" Justice Coalition). Author, Kay Fischer, is a member of Eclipse Rising, one of the partner organizations that participated in this coalition and in the campaign to bring about the memorial.

Prompted by the Abe administration’s “massive global PR campaign to ‘correct’ the world’s understanding of Japan’s history….‘Comfort Women’ denialism has come stateside, hitting home for Asians and Asian Americans across the diaspora” (Kim Lee, 2016). Revisionists have claimed, without evidence, that memorials prompt hate crimes towards the Japanese community, and often completely deny that such a system ever existed, asserting that “Comfort Women” were “highly paid prostitutes,” accusing these women to be liars, or disputing the number of women and children affected by this sex slavery system. American professor of Japanese Legal Studies, Harvard, Mark Ramseyer repeated such assertions in 2021, stating that Korean “comfort women” “chose prostitution.” Opponents went as far as attempting to sue the city of Glendale, CA to demand the removal of their memorial, but the lawsuit was dismissed in 2016 (Constante, 2017). Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals Judge Kim McLane Wardlaw claimed that Glendale erected a memorial that takes a stand against human rights violations which is well within the rights and responsibilities of local governments.

In 2018, the mayor of Osaka, Japan, Hirofumi Yoshimura, severed sister-city ties with San Francisco, attempting to force the mayor, London Breed, to take down the memorial, Column of Strength (Ingber, 2018). The San Francisco-Osaka Sister City Association responded that the sister-city relationship is not between the two city governments, but instead a partnership between the two cities’ civic organizations, nonprofits, and businesses. On the one-year anniversary of the memorial’s unveiling in San Francisco, September 22, 2018, delegates from two Japanese organizations, the Kansai Network to Resolve the Comfort Women Issue and the Forum from the Improvement of Osaka, visited and participated in the ceremony. Pang Chung Ja of the Kansai Network, stated, "Even if the mayor of Osaka proceeds with the termination, I feel that our relationship with the people of San Francisco has only deepened these past few years and only continues to grow stronger….Let us work together to solve this issue" (Hirai, 2018). Hisaye Ogawa with the Osaka delegation mentioned that they came to seek an apology from their own Japanese government.

Miho Kim Lee of Eclipse Rising and the CWJC, who was instrumental in coordinating visits by the two delegations from Japan, wrote that teaching “Comfort Women” history and erecting memorials serve the long-term purpose of remembrance, but is also in and of itself a “subversive act of resistance.” She continued, “...let us fight for the right to remember our beautiful and enduring legacy of suffering, courage, survival and joy, which serves as a reservoir of strength to inform our cultural identities and visions for the world” (Kim Lee, 2016).



Figure : "Unifying Hands" - San Francisco Comfort Women Memorial, Column of Strength Statue. (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0; Photo by Stephanie Contreras)

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This page titled 11.6: Transnational Organizing in the Diaspora is shared under a CC BY-NC 4.0 license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Mario Alberto Viveros Espinoza-Kulick & Kay Fischer (ASCCC Open Educational Resources Initiative (OERI)) .
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