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Saturday, February 28, 2026

Discussion Forum - Week 8

 Section A

What is the significance of using testimony as a decolonial methodology when studying the racial wealth gap, and how does it differ from relying solely on statistics?

Using testimony as a decolonial method is important because it focuses on people’s real experiences, not just numbers. Statistics can show how big the racial wealth gap is, but they do not show the pain, stress, and long-term effects of poverty and discrimination. Acevedo explains that testimony helps us see wealth inequality as a human experience, not just an economic issue (Acevedo 9.2). Linda Tuhiwai Smith also says that testimony gives people a safe space to share painful truths and challenge systems that silence them (Smith 165). For example, Gil Scott-Heron’s “Whitey on the Moon” shows how the government spent money on space travel while poor communities struggled with medical bills (Acevedo 9.1). This makes inequality feel real and personal. Testimony helps us understand inequality in a deeper way by listening to voices that were often ignored.


Section B 

  1. What arguments do proponents of reparations make, and what social, political, or economic conditions might explain why reparations have not been implemented in the U.S.? Why do you think that the U.S. granted reparations to Japanese Americans but not to African Americans? Support your claims with evidence from the course materials, and cite sources using in-text MLA format.

People who support reparations say that wealth was taken from enslaved Africans and their families through slavery and discrimination. They believe justice means giving material repair for this long history of unpaid labor and harm. Coates explains that slavery, Jim Crow, and redlining created the racial wealth gap we still see today (Coates). Acevedo adds that unfair laws allowed stolen wealth to grow and pass down through generations (Acevedo 9.4). Reparations have not been implemented because it would require the U.S. to admit that its economy was built partly on racial exploitation. It is also politically controversial and challenges ideas about merit and fairness. The U.S. gave reparations to Japanese Americans because that injustice happened during a specific time and was officially recognized. Slavery and racial discrimination lasted for centuries, which makes the issue more complex and debated.








Proponents of reparations argue that wealth was forcibly extracted from enslaved Africans and their descendants, and that justice requires material repair for centuries of unpaid labor and discriminatory policies. Ta-Nehisi Coates explains that slavery, Jim Crow, housing discrimination, and redlining created a compounding moral debt that continues to shape racial wealth disparities today (Coates). Acevedo further emphasizes that racial wealth inequality persists because legal and financial systems allowed stolen wealth to grow and pass down through generations (Acevedo 9.4). Reparations have not been implemented partly because acknowledging them would require confronting the full economic foundation of the United States, including racial capitalism and systemic exploitation. Politically, reparations remain controversial because they challenge dominant narratives about meritocracy and fairness. The U.S. granted reparations to Japanese Americans interned during World War II because the injustice was officially recognized within a shorter time frame and involved direct government action during a specific historical event. In contrast, slavery and racial discrimination span centuries and are deeply embedded in economic and social institutions, making accountability more complex and politically contested (Acevedo 9.5). This difference reveals how power, race, and historical narrative shape which injustices are formally repaired.


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(1) advance writing 

Using testimony as a decolonial methodology is significant because it centers lived experience rather than only numerical data. While statistics show the size of the racial wealth gap, they do not capture the emotional, psychological, and intergenerational effects of poverty and discrimination. Acevedo explains that testimony allows us to understand wealth inequality as a human experience, not just an economic pattern (Acevedo 9.2). Linda Tuhiwai Smith also argues that testimonies provide a structured space for revealing painful truths and challenging colonial systems that silence marginalized voices (Smith 165). For example, Gil Scott-Heron’s “Whitey on the Moon” illustrates how public investment in space exploration contrasts with neglected communities struggling with medical debt, which gives a personal and political dimension to wealth inequity (Acevedo 9.1). Unlike statistics alone, testimony challenges dominant narratives and helps decolonize knowledge by validating voices historically excluded from economic discussions. Therefore, testimony deepens our understanding by connecting structural inequality to lived reality.


9.7: References

 

9.7: References

Ace Records. (2014, August 19). Gil Scott-Heron - Whitey On the Moon (Official Audio) [Video]. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=goh2x_G0ct4

Aladangady, A., & Forde, A. (2021, October 22). Wealth Inequality and the Racial Wealth Gap. FEDS Notes. Retrieved January 20, 2023, from https://www.federalreserve.gov/econr...-20211022.html

Alcorn, C. (2021, June 18). Nearly 1 in 5 Black American households have a negative net worth, new study finds. WCVBhttps://www.wcvb.com/article/million...worth/36769254

ALU Website. (2022). Amazon Labor Union. Retrieved January 22, 2023, from https://www.amazonlaborunion.org/

Atkinson, A. (n.d.). Modifying Mortgage Discrimination in Consumer Bankruptcy. Arizona Law Review57, 1041. https://lawcat.berkeley.edu/record/1127013

Badger, E., Miller, C. C., Pearce, A., & Quealy, K. (2018, March 19). Extensive Data Shows Punishing Reach of Racism for Black Boys (Published 2018). The New York Timeshttps://www.nytimes.com/interactive/...black-men.html

Baradaran, M. (2019). The Color of Money: Black Banks and the Racial Wealth Gap. Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.

Bhutta, N., Chang, A. C., Dettling, L. J., & Hsu, J. W. (2020, September 28). Disparities in Wealth by Race and Ethnicity in the 2019 Survey of Consumer Finances. FEDS Notes. Retrieved January 20, 2023, from https://www.federalreserve.gov/econr...-20200928.html

Binkley, C. (2022, April 26). Harvard to invest $100 million in effort to try and make amends for its role in slavery. Fortunehttps://fortune.com/2022/04/26/harva...le-in-slavery/

Chancel, L., Piketty, T., Saez, E., & Zucman, G. (2022, August 10). World Inequality Report 2022. YouTubehttps://wid.world/document/world-ine...y-report-2022/

Chang, G. (2016). Disposable Domestics: Immigrant Women Workers in the Global Economy. Haymarket Books.

Coates, T.-N. (2014). The Case for Reparations. The Atlantic, (June 2014). https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine...ations/361631/

Congress Apologizes for Slavery, Jim Crow. (2008, July 30). NPR. Retrieved January 23, 2023, from https://www.npr.org/2008/07/30/93059...avery-jim-crow

Demsas, J. (2021, December 7). How Black and Hispanic renters experience housing discrimination in cities across the US. Voxhttps://www.vox.com/22815563/rental-...discrimination

Dreilinger, D. (2021, September 6). Ninth-grade ethnic studies helped students for years, Stanford researchers find. Stanford Graduate School of Education |. Retrieved January 22, 2023, from https://ed.stanford.edu/news/ninth-g...searchers-find

Ealey, S., Newton, H. P., & Seale, B. (2016, November 3). Black Panthers' Oakland Community School: A Model for Liberation. Black Organizing Project. Retrieved January 22, 2023, from https://blackorganizingproject.org/b...or-liberation/

Frank, R. (2022, April 1). Richest 1% gained $6.5 trillion in wealth last year. CNBChttps://www.cnbc.com/2022/04/01/rich...alth-2021.html

Fung, K., Charles, J., Henican, E., Miltimore, J., Hammer, J., Dannenfelser, M., Dershowitz, A., DePetris, D. R., Long, P. D., Faris, D., & Gingrich, N. (2022, April 1). Amazon Union Organizer Sends Message to Bezos After Historic Vote. Newsweekhttps://www.newsweek.com/amazon-unio...c-vote-1694303

Grande, S. (2004). Red Pedagogy: Native American Social and Political Thought. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.

Guilford, G. (2018, September 1). Black income is half that of white households—just like it was in the 1950s. Quartzhttps://qz.com/1368251/black-income-...s-in-the-1950s

Haney-López, I. (2014). Dog Whistle Politics: How Coded Racial Appeals Have Reinvented Racism and Wrecked the Middle Class. Oxford University Press.

Jones, K. (2022). How We Can Win: Race, History and Changing the Money Game That's Rigged. Henry Holt and Company.

Karlamangla, S. (2021, November 4). All California Public High School Students Will Soon Have to Take Ethnic Studies (Published 2021). The New York Timeshttps://www.nytimes.com/2021/10/14/u...c-studies.html

Kelley, R. D.G. (2017, January 12). What Did Cedric Robinson Mean by Racial Capitalism? Boston Review. Retrieved January 21, 2023, from https://www.bostonreview.net/article...alism-justice/

Kendi, I. X. (2016). Stamped from the Beginning: The Definitive History of Racist Ideas in America. PublicAffairs.

Kim, C. (2021, November 18). Do you keep or remove the racially restrictive covenant attached to your home? KPBShttps://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2021...ched-your-home

Klein, E., & Posner, J. (Writers). (2018). The Racial Wealth Gap (Season 1, Episode 1) [TV series episode]. In Explainedhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Mqrhn8khGLM

Leonhardt, M. (2021, June 23). How much wealth top 1% of Americans have. CNBChttps://www.cnbc.com/2021/06/23/how-...cans-have.html

Long, K. A. (2021, September 22). Amazon's workforce split sharply along the lines of race and gender, new data indicates. The Seattle Timeshttps://www.seattletimes.com/busines...ata-indicates/

Lopenzina, D. (2012). Red Ink: Native Americans Picking Up the Pen in the Colonial Period. State University of New York Press.

Mask, D. (2021). The Address Book: What Street Addresses Reveal About Identity, Race, Wealth, and Power. St. Martin's Publishing Group.

Massey, D., & Denton, N. (1993). American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass. Harvard University Press.

Menasce Horowitz, J., Brown, A., & Cox, K. (2019). Race in America 2019. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/social-t...al-inequality/

Menchú, R. (2009). I, Rigoberta Menchu: An Indian Woman in Guatemala (E. Burgos-Debray, Ed.; A. Wright, Trans.). Verso.

Neubeck, K. J., & Cazenave, N. A. (2001). Welfare Racism: Playing the Race Card Against America's Poor. Routledge.

Orfield, G., & Jarvie, D. (2020, December). Black segregation matters. UCLA Civil Rights Project. Retrieved January 22, 2023, from https://www.civilrightsproject.ucla....nal-121820.pdf

Piven, F. F., & Cloward, R. A. (1993). Regulating the poor: the functions of public welfare (Updated Edition ed.). Vintage Books.

Redmond, S. L., Elia, N., Rodriguez, D., Hernández, D. M., See, S. E., Collective, C. E. S. E., & Kim, J. (2016). Critical Ethnic Studies: A Reader (S. L. Redmond, N. Elia, D. Rodriguez, D. M. Hernández, S. E. See, C. E. S. E. Collective, & J. Kim, Eds.). Duke University Press.

Robinson, C. J. (2021). Black Marxism, Revised and Updated Third Edition: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition. University of North Carolina Press.

Rothstein, R. (2018). The Color of Law: A Forgotten History of how Our Government Segregated America. Liveright Publishing Corporation, a division of W.W. Norton.

Smith, L. T. (2021). Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. Bloomsbury Academic.

Stancil, W. (2018, March 14). School Segregation is Not a Myth. The Atlantichttps://www.theatlantic.com/educatio...a-myth/555614/

Tarasov, K. (2022, July 21). How Chris Smalls formed Amazon's first U.S. union and what's next. CNBC. Retrieved January 22, 2023, from https://www.cnbc.com/2022/07/21/how-...hats-next.html

Thompson, C. W., Kim, C., Moore, N., & Ruff, C. (2021, November 17). Racial covenants, still on the books in virtually every state, are hard to erase. NPRhttps://www.npr.org/2021/11/17/10490...discrimination

Unions 101. (n.d.). U.S. Department of Labor. Retrieved January 22, 2023, from https://www.dol.gov/general/workcenter/unions-101

Winant, H., & Omi, M. (1994). Racial Formation in the United States: From the 1960s to the 1990s. Routledge.

Zinn, H. (2015). A People's History of the United States. HarperCollins.

9.6: Summary/Review

 Reflection on “9.6: Summary/Review”


In “9.6: Summary/Review,” Ulysses Acevedo reviews the main ideas from the chapter about racial wealth inequality in the United States. The conclusion reminds us that wealth inequality is not only about money. It is also about power, history, and access. The chapter highlights four major areas that shape wealth: residential segregation, assets and homeownership, education, and labor. The conclusion also explains why these issues are hard to fix. The systems are connected. They reinforce each other. The chapter also uses testimony as a decolonial method. This means learning through real stories, not only through statistics. After reading this summary, I better understand how race, class, and wealth are linked in everyday life. I also understand that people’s identities affect their opportunities more than many people realize.


The conclusion begins by explaining that intersectional identities matter. Intersectional means that race, class, gender, age, and other identities overlap. These identities influence how people experience society. They can shape access to wealth. They can also shape barriers to wealth. The chapter explains that white families often have higher wealth partly because they are more likely to receive inheritances and gifts. They may also receive family support during emergencies. In contrast, Black and Hispanic families often receive less inherited wealth. This is not because families do not care about each other. It is because history and policy blocked wealth building for many communities. This point helped me see that wealth is not only earned through work. Wealth is often inherited. That inheritance advantage continues across generations.


The chapter also reminds us why testimony is important. Testimony is a way to share lived experience. It helps people understand injustice in a human way. Statistics can show the size of the wealth gap. But testimonies show how it feels. Testimony can show the fear of eviction. It can show the stress of medical bills. It can show the pain of discrimination. This method is called a decolonial methodology because it centers voices that are often excluded. It challenges the dominant story. It says that the truth is not only in numbers. It is also in people’s lives. This made me think about how often society ignores stories from poor communities or communities of color. Testimony pushes us to listen.


Another key point in the summary is the idea of education as the “great equalizer.” The chapter explains that education is often presented as a solution to poverty. Many people believe that if you get an education, you will build wealth. It is true that college graduates often earn more than people without degrees. Education can create new opportunities. However, the chapter also explains a hard truth. Education can also reproduce inequality. If education is low quality, students can be pushed out. They can be discouraged from college. They may end up in low-wage jobs. The chapter explains that this problem is connected to where people live. Income affects where people can afford to live. Where people live affects school quality. School quality affects job access. This creates a cycle. The cycle keeps economic injustice alive.


This part made me reflect on how unfair it is that ZIP codes can shape a person’s future. In many places, schools are funded by local property taxes. If housing is expensive, schools often have more resources. If housing is cheap, schools may have fewer resources. This means children do not start with equal support. Some children have better facilities, more programs, and more counselors. Other children have fewer opportunities. Even if a child is smart and hardworking, their school environment can limit them. This idea challenges the belief that the system is purely based on merit.


The summary also emphasizes the concept of racial capitalism. Racial capitalism explains that modern labor systems are connected to racist history. The chapter connects this to unpaid African slave labor in U.S. history. It also connects it to colonization and stolen Indigenous land. These systems built wealth for white institutions. That wealth did not disappear. It grew and passed down. The concept helps explain why racial inequality and economic inequality are not separate problems. They developed together. This idea stood out to me because it connects history to the present. It shows that wealth inequality today is not only about “today’s choices.” It is shaped by the past.


The summary points out that struggles for economic justice continue today. The chapter gives examples like labor organizing by teachers and Amazon workers. It also mentions the dialogue about reparations. These examples show that people are not passive. Communities continue to resist unfair systems. They continue to demand change. This part gave me hope. It shows that even when systems are powerful, people can organize.


The “Key Terms” section is helpful because it clarifies the language of the chapter. Testimony is defined as a project toward decolonization. It is a way to present oral evidence and share truth. It is also used in Latin America as a way to make sense of oppression and representation. This definition shows that testimony is not casual storytelling. It is a structured form of truth telling. It also creates a safe space for witnesses to speak. This helps communities remember history and fight injustice.


The summary also defines wealth. Wealth is assets minus debts. Assets include stocks, land, houses, insurance, cars, and retirement accounts. This definition helped me understand why wealth gaps are so serious. Wealth gives a safety net. Wealth gives a foundation. It can be borrowed against. It can be invested. It can be passed down. Without wealth, people can become trapped in debt and crisis.


The summary defines racial and ethnic wealth inequality as rooted in colonization and slavery. It also explains that the inequality continues because laws and financial systems protect stolen wealth and help it grow. This definition is important because it highlights systems, not individual behavior. It shows that inequality has structure and maintenance.


The summary defines racial covenants. These were rules written into property deeds to prevent non-white people from owning or renting homes. They are not enforceable today, but they show how open racism shaped housing. The summary also defines redlining. Redlining denied mortgage loans based on neighborhood location. It treated BIPOC neighborhoods as risky and undesirable. This blocked wealth building through homeownership. The summary also defines the 2008 housing crash. It explains that it involved predatory lending that harmed Black and Latinx communities and drained housing wealth. These definitions show how housing systems created and maintained wealth inequality.


The summary defines cultural hegemony as domination through coercion or consent. It also asks an important question: what is being taught in schools that benefits the dominant class? This made me think about textbooks and curriculum. If schools only teach one version of history, students may accept inequality as normal. Ethnic Studies and testimonies challenge that.


The summary defines labor unions. Unions are democratic organizations where workers join to improve wages and working conditions. The summary also defines reparations. Reparations are resources or money to repair past injustice. These definitions connect to solutions. They show possible paths to address inequality.


The discussion questions and journal prompts are also useful. One question asks if students have heard about the 2008 housing crash. It asks if families experienced the consequences. This matters because many people were affected. Some lost homes. Some lost savings. Some communities never recovered. Another question asks students to share a testimony related to wealth inequality and race. This reinforces the chapter’s method. It pushes students to connect learning to real life.


The journal prompts ask students to choose one concept and explain why it stands out. They also ask about reparations and why it has not happened. These questions encourage reflection and critical thinking. They also encourage students to consider systems and politics.


The class activities are designed to help students see inequality clearly. The ZIP-code activity uses the Opportunity Atlas website. It helps students explore how their neighborhood shaped life outcomes. This activity is powerful because it makes inequality visible. It also helps students understand that personal success is influenced by environment. The instructions also encourage journaling and sharing. This can build empathy between students. It can also reduce shame. People may realize that struggles are structural, not personal failure.


The song activity is another creative tool. Students listen to Charles Bradley’s “Why is it so hard.” Then they analyze the problems in the song and how it connects to race and class. After that, students choose their own song and do the same analysis. This activity is useful because music communicates emotion. Music can express struggle, hope, and injustice. Music also works like testimony. It can tell a truth that statistics cannot capture. This reinforces the chapter’s emphasis on testimony.


After reading this summary, I learned that wealth inequality is a complex system. It involves where people live, what schools they attend, what jobs they get, and how labor is valued. It also involves history. Colonization and slavery created wealth for some and poverty for others. The effects continue today. I also learned that education is not always equalizing. It can also reproduce inequality if it is tied to neighborhood wealth. I learned that testimony is important because it keeps the human side visible. It makes learning more truthful and more ethical.


This chapter also made me reflect on fairness. Many people think the U.S. is fair because laws say discrimination is illegal. But the chapter shows that unequal outcomes continue because systems are self-reinforcing. When some families inherit wealth and others inherit debt or disadvantage, the starting point is unequal. When schools are funded by local wealth, children do not receive equal support. When labor is racialized and undervalued, income gaps continue. These patterns show that “equal rules today” do not automatically create equity.


In conclusion, “9.6: Summary/Review” brings together the main lessons of the chapter. It highlights residential segregation, homeownership, education, and labor as key drivers of wealth inequality. It explains that intersectional identities shape access to wealth. It explains that education can be both a pathway and a barrier. It explains racial capitalism as a framework that connects past exploitation to modern labor inequality. It also emphasizes ongoing struggles such as unions and reparations. The summary provides clear key terms and meaningful activities that help students connect the content to real life. This reading helped me understand that wealth inequality is not only an economic issue. It is a social justice issue. It is a historical issue. And it is a human issue.


Works Cited


Acevedo, Ulysses. “9.6: Summary/Review.” ASCCC Open Educational Resources Initiative (OERI), CC BY-NC.


Smith, Linda Tuhiwai. Decolonizing Methodologies. 2021.


“Unions 101.” U.S. Department of Labor, n.d.


If you want, I can also make this even more “simple form” by using shorter sentences (like 8–10 words each), and I can check the word count to be closer to exactly 1500 words.

9.6: Summary/Review

Conclusion

This chapter outlined many of the issues but highlighted residential segregation, assets including homeownership, education, and labor as the major areas of wealth inequity. We learned in this chapter about the challenges of fixing the racial and ethnic wealth inequities in the US. In fact, our intersectional identities are more connected to our access or denial to wealth than we may realize. For example, white families have higher wealth because they are more likely to receive inheritances, gifts and other family support than Black and Hispanic families. Furthermore, this chapter utilized testimonies as a decolonial methodology when learning about the collective struggles of wealth inequalities and the movements to break down those barriers.

Proposed as a solution to eradicate poverty, education has been called the “great equalizer” and viewed as a path towards wealth building for those who do not come from wealth. In fact, individuals who earn college degrees can outearn their counterparts who don’t. However, low quality education (in combination with a variety of factors) can push out students from pursuing higher education and settling for dead end jobs. The economic injustice cycle persists because our income dictates where we can afford to live, access to quality education and proximity to well paying jobs.

Lastly, an important concept to understand from this chapter is racial capitalism, which explains how modern racialized labor is informed by the past racist ideologies and labor (i.e. unpaid African slave labor in US history). Thus, many of the racial economic inequalities in the US originated with the property and assets appropriated through colonization and the theft of native land, and through slavery. The struggles for economic justice persist in our society. For example, the continued fight for labor organizing by our teachers to Amazon workers to the nationwide, statewide, local, dialogue for reparations.

Key Terms

  • Reparations: righting the wrongs of a past injustice through resources or monetary payment.

Discussion Questions

Journal Prompts

Class Activities

Zip-Code Activity

This is an activity that can be used in an in person classroom setting by going to The Opportunity Atlas website and allowing students to search their own ZIP code.

Zip-Code Activity Instructions:

Race and Class, Song Activity

This is an activity that can be used in an asynchronous online classroom setting. In a discussion forum ask students to submit a song that has to do with race and class.

Part 1:

Part 2:

9.5: Counternarratives in Racial Wealth Disparities

 Reflection on “9.5: Counternarratives in Racial Wealth Disparities”


In “9.5: Counternarratives in Racial Wealth Disparities,” Ulysses Acevedo explains that racial wealth inequality is not only a story of oppression. It is also a story of resistance. The chapter shows that many communities have challenged unfair systems in education, housing, and the economy. These counternarratives are important because they fight against the dominant “master narrative” that often blames poor communities for their own struggles. Acevedo shows that people have organized, protested, built schools, and demanded reparations. These actions prove that racial wealth inequality is not natural. It is created by systems, and people have always pushed back against those systems.


The chapter starts by naming several movements that fought for educational justice. Acevedo mentions the East L.A. Chicano walkouts, the Black Panther Party’s Oakland Community School, and the Third World Liberation Front. These movements share a common purpose. They wanted control over education. They wanted students to be treated with dignity. They wanted relevant curriculum. They wanted teachers who understood their communities. They wanted schools to serve students rather than harm them. This focus on education is important because education is closely connected to wealth. If schools fail students, it becomes harder to access college, stable work, and higher income. If schools support students, it can open pathways to better jobs and more wealth-building opportunities.


The East L.A. Chicano Blowouts in 1968 are one powerful example. Acevedo explains that Mexican American students walked out of high schools in Los Angeles to protest unfair treatment. They faced corporal punishment. They were punished for speaking Spanish. They did not have basic access to bathrooms during school hours. Their curriculum did not reflect their history or community. Many teachers did not share their background. Students were also placed into “educational tracking,” which often pushed them toward low-level classes and away from college preparation. The walkouts were organized by students and supported by a teacher named Sal Castro. This movement mattered because it was peaceful, collective, and brave. It showed that students could demand respect and change. It also helped grow the larger Chicano movement. When I read about this, I thought about how schools can create inequality by treating some students as less capable or less valuable. The walkouts remind me that young people are not powerless. They can speak up when systems are unfair.


The chapter then discusses the Black Panther Party and its impact on education in Oakland. Many people know the Black Panther Party only through stereotypes. Acevedo challenges that limited view. He explains that the Panthers reimagined education and built community programs. In 1973, they created the Oakland Community School (OCS) in East Oakland. It was directed by Ericka Huggins and Donna Howell. The school operated until 1982. It was created because public schools in Oakland were underfunded and neglected. The Panthers wanted a school that offered liberatory education. This school is an important counternarrative because it shows that communities can build better systems when the state fails them.


Acevedo includes Point 5 of the Black Panther Party’s 10 Point Platform. The Panthers wanted education that exposes the true nature of American society. They wanted education that teaches true history. They believed people need knowledge of self and knowledge of their social position. This is powerful because it connects education to identity and empowerment. If students never learn their own history, they may feel invisible or inferior. If they learn their history, they may gain pride and motivation. This is also connected to Ethnic Studies. Ethnic Studies challenges the master narrative by including stories that were erased.


The Oakland Community School also supported students in many ways. Acevedo explains that OCS provided meals, including breakfast, lunch, and dinner. It focused on mental health through meditation and mindfulness. It also offered martial arts and peer-led justice committees. This shows that education is not only academics. It is also care, safety, and community support. The school gave students role models from their own community. That matters because representation shapes how students see their future. This part of the chapter made me reflect on what “quality education” really means. It means resources, safety, respect, mental health support, and meaningful learning. Wealth inequality often takes those things away from underfunded schools. OCS shows what can happen when a community refuses to accept neglect.


The chapter also discusses Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs). Acevedo explains that the first HBCU was Cheyney University of Pennsylvania in 1837. Many HBCUs were created after the Civil War because Black Americans were excluded from white institutions. HBCUs became places of access, leadership, and community. They played a major role in Black education and social mobility. The chapter also notes that many HBCUs need major funding to repair buildings and meet safety codes. This reminds me that inequality can also appear in institutional resources. Even when Black institutions create opportunities, they still face financial barriers because of long histories of underfunding.


Acevedo then connects these historical counternarratives to the legacy of Ethnic Studies today. He asks an important question: how do we teach students in underfunded schools effectively? Underfunded schools may struggle to recruit teachers, access technology, and provide extracurricular opportunities. However, some schools use creative strategies. They use culturally relevant pedagogy. They hire teachers of color from similar backgrounds. They reduce police presence and look for supportive alternatives. This section shows that education reform is not only about money. It is also about values and teaching methods.


The chapter discusses California’s AB 101, which requires high school students to take one semester of Ethnic Studies before graduation. This is a major policy change. It reflects the idea that curriculum matters. Ethnic Studies can help students see themselves in school. It can also help all students understand history more honestly. Acevedo also mentions a Stanford University study about Ethnic Studies in the San Francisco Unified School District. The study found positive effects. Ethnic Studies courses improved attendance for at-risk students. They improved grades and credits earned. They increased graduation rates and college enrollment. The study also explained these courses as a psychological intervention. Ethnic Studies can create a sense of belonging. It can affirm personal values. It can warn students about stereotypes so they are not harmed by them. This part of the chapter stood out to me because it shows that changing curriculum can have real outcomes. It is not only political. It is practical. When students feel seen and respected, they do better.


The chapter also discusses Occupy Wall Street (OWS). Acevedo explains that this movement began in 2011 in Manhattan and spread globally. The slogan “We are the 99 percent” challenged the power of the richest 1 percent. OWS protested major banks and corporations and their influence on politics. The movement criticized the role of Wall Street in creating economic collapse and recession. It also supported goals like better jobs, fairer income distribution, bank reform, student loan forgiveness, and stopping home foreclosures. This is an important counternarrative because it shows that wealth inequality is not only racial. It is also class-based. However, class inequality and racial inequality often overlap. Many communities of color are more likely to experience poverty because of historical discrimination. Occupy Wall Street helped bring wealth inequality into public discussion. It made the “1 percent” a common idea in society.


The chapter ends with the ongoing struggle for reparations. Acevedo uses Ta-Nehisi Coates’s argument from “The Case for Reparations.” Coates lists centuries of harm: slavery, Jim Crow, separate-but-equal, and racist housing policy. His point is that America has a moral debt that has not been paid. Reparations means repairing past injustice through resources or money. Acevedo explains that reparations were discussed after emancipation through the idea of “40 acres and a mule.” Reparations were also proposed again in later years, including the 1890s and during the Black Power movement. The chapter explains that reparations remain controversial and politically difficult. Still, the argument continues because the economic harm was real and large.


This section made me reflect on what “justice” means. Many people think apologies are enough. But apologies do not restore wealth that was stolen. They do not close the gap created by centuries of unpaid labor and blocked opportunities. The chapter mentions that Congress apologized for slavery and Jim Crow, and some states also apologized. But apologies do not change material conditions. Reparations is a difficult conversation because it raises questions about responsibility, payment, and who qualifies. But the chapter shows that it is also a necessary conversation if society wants true equity.


Acevedo mentions California as a leading place in reparations discussions. This shows that the conversation is not only academic. It is happening in politics and policy. It also shows that states can take action even if the federal government does not. This gives hope that change can happen in steps. It may not be perfect, but it can begin.


Overall, this chapter helped me understand the importance of counternarratives. Counternarratives show that marginalized communities have always resisted. They have built schools, organized protests, created educational programs, and demanded structural change. These stories challenge the idea that inequality is caused by laziness or poor choices. Instead, they show that communities are fighting systems that were designed to exclude them. Counternarratives also give hope. They show that people can create alternatives when institutions fail.


This chapter also helped me see that education is deeply connected to wealth. When schools punish students for language, track them into low-level classes, or erase their history, they reduce students’ future opportunities. When communities create culturally relevant schools and Ethnic Studies courses, students gain belonging and motivation. This can improve achievement and open doors to better jobs and financial stability.


In conclusion, “Counternarratives in Racial Wealth Disparities” shows that racial wealth inequality is real, but resistance is also real. The chapter highlights movements like the East L.A. Chicano walkouts, the Black Panther Party’s Oakland Community School, and the growth of Ethnic Studies. It also shows broader movements like Occupy Wall Street and the continuing push for reparations. These counternarratives remind us that systems can be challenged. They also remind us that justice requires both recognition and repair. Reading this chapter made me feel that learning these histories is important because they show how change happens. Change happens when people organize together, tell the truth, and refuse to accept inequality as normal.


Works Cited


Acevedo, Ulysses. “9.5: Counternarratives in Racial Wealth Disparities.” ASCCC Open Educational Resources Initiative (OERI), CC BY-NC.


Coates, Ta-Nehisi. “The Case for Reparations.” The Atlantic, 2014.


Clement, Priscilla, and Nomi Lidsky. “The Danger of History Slipping Away: The Heritage Campus and HBCUs.” 2011.


Dreilinger, Danielle. “Ethnic Studies Boosts Student Outcomes.” 2021.


Ealey, et al. [Black Panther Party 10 Point Platform reference], 2016.


Karlamangla, Soumya. “California AB 101 Ethnic Studies Graduation Requirement.” 2021.


NAACP. “History of Reparations and 40 Acres and a Mule.” 2019.


Occupy Wall Street. “About the Movement.” occupywallst.org, 2022.


9.5: Counternarratives in Racial Wealth Disparities

Counternarratives

Many racialized groups in the U.S. have pushed back against these practices such as: the East L.A. Chicano walkouts, Black Panther Party Oakland Community Schools, and the Third World Liberation Front. These movements share in common the fight to gain control of how schools serve historically disenfranchised communities, what is taught, how it is taught, who does the teaching, and bringing a quality education.

The 1968 East L.A. Chicano Blowouts were mass student walkouts across the Los Angeles Unified School District to protest the treatment of high school Mexican American students. The treatment of these students included: corporal punishment administered by teachers and administrators, rules against speaking Spanish, not having access to bathroom facilities during school hours, irrelevant curriculum to the community, not enough teachers that shared a similar background to students, and educational tracking. A high school teacher, Sal Castro, and students organized many high schools in the district to walk out of schools in order to peacefully demonstrate against this treatment. This movement is also known as a catapult to the Chicano movement of the late 60’s and 70’s. Please see the Chapter 6, page 6.2: "Roots and Resistance" for more details on the impacts of the East L.A. Chicano Blowouts.

The Black Panther Party (BPP) is known for having a great impact on California social movements and on the U.S. imagination of what Black Power is and how to organize effectively. Among the many impacts of the BPP to culture and society they had a great impact on how to re-imagine education in the U.S. In 1973 the BPP established its own school in East Oakland called the Oakland Community School (OCS) directed by Ericka Huggins and Donna Howell. The school was active until 1982. The creation of the school was a direct response to the disinvestment of public education in Oakland and to provide a model for liberatory education. OCS was so impactful that it influenced the creation of the U.S. free lunch program to lower income children.

Point 5 of the Black Panther Party’s 10 Point Platform:


We want decent education for our people that exposes the true nature of this decadent American society. We want education that teaches us our true history and our role in the present-day society. We believe in an educational system that will give to our people a knowledge of the self. If you do not have knowledge of yourself and your position in the society and in the world, then you will have little chance to know anything else (Ealey et al., 2016).


OCS offered much more than breakfast, lunch and dinner to its students; it was a true model for a well rounded education for its students. Students at OCS practiced meditation and mindfulness in order to focus on student’s mental health. They also participated in martial arts classes and peer led justice committees. Just as important OCS provided youth with the opportunity to learn from people who looked like them and who were from their own community. Please see Chapter 2 and Chapter 11 on the creation of Ethnic Studies and the influences of the Black Panther Party.

A Black Panther flyer on the free breakfast program. Details in caption.
Figure Panthers Expand Free Breakfast for Children Program. A flyer announces the opening of a second location for the Black Panther Party free breakfast for children program in October 1970. (CC BY-NC 2.0Washington Area Spark via Flickr)

Creation of HBCUs

The first established Historically Black College or University (HBCU) was Cheyney University of Pennsylvania in 1837 a little over 200 years after Harvard University (the first university of the U.S.). Cheyney University was established before the civil war, whereas most HBCUs were established post civil war.

According to the article “The danger of history slipping away: the Heritage Campus and HBCUs: HBCU presidents must learn to use preservation planning as a tool to leverage new resources” by Clement and Lidsky, HBCUs need over $1 billion to bring the many buildings up to code. “HBCUs are as diverse as higher education. These institutions have different histories, different cultures, and different resources. They are public and private, large and small, two-year and four-year, single sex and coed, religious and non-denominational. The common thread that binds them is their mission to provide access to higher education for African Americans, who were previously enslaved and later segregated in the United States” (Clement & Lidsky, 2011).

The Legacy of Ethnic Studies in Education

An important question to address is, what methods are being used to effectively teach children who attend underfunded schools without the same resources as children in wealthier neighborhoods? Underfunded schools are disadvantaged in many ways when attempting to close the achievement gap; some examples are they are not able to access the same teacher recruitment strategies, educational technology, and extra-curricular opportunities. Underfunded schools have found creative ways to implement pedagogical practices to help their students succeed for example, implementing culturally relevant pedagogy, hiring teachers of color from similar backgrounds as students, and in some districts finding alternatives to campus police presence.

California’s AB 101 is the implementation of culturally relevant pedagogy. Through this bill all C.A. high school students are required to take one semester of Ethnic Studies before graduating. Although AB 101 requires C.A. K-12 school districts to implement ethnic studies by 2025 many districts are starting to offer Ethnic Studies courses (Karlamangla, 2021).

In a 2021, Stanford University study of Ethnic Studies courses in the San Francisco Unified School District (SFUSD) found that these courses had long lasting positive impacts (Dreilinger, 2021). Ethnic Studies courses in SFUSD boosted attendance for at-risk students, boosted academic performance, helped them earn more credits, increased GPA, increased graduation probability, and likelihood of enrolling in college.

Furthermore, the study used social psychology theoretical perspectives to demonstrate that taking an ethnic studies course in 9th grade aligned with being a psychological intervention. Ethnic studies courses offering a “sense of belonging in school, affirm personal values and forewarning about stereotypes have all shown promise in improving student engagement and motivation.” (Dreilinger, 2021). Ethnic studies classes in this study also demonstrated that students were able to see their ancestors and other groups in the curriculum, whereas these narratives have been omitted in the master narrative. Please see Chapter 2 for more information on the movement for Ethnic Studies in higher education and K-12 districts.

Occupy Wall Street

One of the largest and most recent popular movements to fight against income and wealth inequity was the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) movement, according to the OWS official website “the movement was a people-powered movement that began on September 17, 2011 in Manhattan and quickly spread globally. OWS fought back against major banks and corporations involved in the democratic process, and the role of Wall Street in creating an economic collapse that has caused the greatest recession in generations” (occupywallst.org, 2022). The OWS movement slogan was “we are the 99 percent” in contrast to the idea that the 1 percent of ultra wealthy hold much of the resources in the U.S. Some of the goals included better jobs, more equal distribution of income, less profit for bankers, and stricter policies on banks negotiating with consumer services, i.e. mortgages and debit cards. Other goals included bank reform, student loan forgiveness, and fixing the home foreclosures.

The Ongoing Struggle for Reparations

In his article, The Case for Reparations, Ta-Nehisi Coates makes a powerful statement of the morality of the US not coming to terms with the historic economic inequities the legacy of slavery has left on generations of Black American families. Coates writes,

Two hundred fifty years of slavery. Ninety years of Jim Crow. Sixty years of separate but equal. Thirty-five years of racist housing policy. Until we reckon with our compounding moral debts, America will never be whole. (Coates, 2014).

In many ways, it seems simple enough. Wealth was forcibly extracted from Black laborers in the form of a lifetime of free labor, so in order to atone for it, financial compensation should now be provided. As a gesture, in 2008 Congress apologized for Jim Crow laws and Slavery, nine states have officially apologized for slavery (Congress Apologizes for Slavery, Jim Crow, 2008). How can the US repay the value of the economic extraction of labor during state sponsored slavery?

Reparations are righting the wrongs of a past injustice through resources or monetary payment. The idea of reparations for slavery and the recommendations for it is not new to the US and was first discussed after the emancipation proclamation as a policy of “40 acres and a mule” in 1865 (NAACP, 2019). Then again in 1894 the US senate would propose a bill to grant direct payments of “$500 to all ex-slaves plus monthly pensions.” The US public would hear the demands for reparations during the 1960’s Black Power movement, then again in the 1980’s (NAACP, 2019). But the case for reparations has always remained controversial and politically challenging.

Any authentic conversation on reparations acknowledges the role of local, state, and federal governments and laws during and after slavery. After slavery ended, its legacy has sustained such disparate outcomes in wealth by race that some sort of “repair” must also occur for there to be economic equity. In recognition of this, California recently emerged as a leading state in the discussion for reparations. At the end 2022 California has still remained in discussion of how much financial reparations (possibly $350,000) and to whom (Mahdawi, 2022).