We hope that this OER titled “Introduction to Ethnic Studies” will be the first of many in our disciplines, including the four traditional disciplines of Africana/African American/Black Studies, American Indian/Native American Studies, Asian American and Pacific Islander Studies, and Chicanx/Latinx Studies, as we continue to develop and expand learning materials that are free and more accessible to our students and instructors. We hope that instructors and students alike will find in this text something similar to what one of my former students shared in a letter to the California Department of Education in support of the original Ethnic Studies Model Curriculum draft in 2019:
Ethnic Studies is literally my life. It’s helped me understand my life. Seeing that my challenges and my mother’s challenges were mirrored in the classroom, I began to understand that the hardships I’ve endured as a woman of color is not mythical (it can feel that way when it’s not legitimized, because our society acts like we’re past issues of racism, sexism, and so forth). In navigating my own life, Ethnic Studies taught me how to decide for myself. As an ally and a person of color, I’ve learned how I could create change for myself and my community. I wouldn’t survive in our society if it weren't for ethnic studies.
In this resource, we’ve organized learning objectives typically addressed in an “Intro to Ethnic Studies” class or courses similar to this, and considered the CSU Ethnic Studies core competencies within the following ten chapters:
Chapter 2: “The Ongoing Struggle for Ethnic Studies”
In Chapter 2: “The Ongoing Struggle for Ethnic Studies,” Espinoza-Kulick examines how Ethnic Studies was birthed out of struggle, which helps to define this unique discipline. Students will uncover the basic frameworks used in Ethnic Studies such as Indigeneity and Transformative Resistance. Starting with examples of counter-hegemonic knowledge production outside academia, Espinoza-Kulick writes about the ways our communities have sustained our heritage in the face of genocide, settler-colonialism, slavery, and other systems of oppression that attempted to strip communities of their languages, cultures, spiritual practices, and ancestral connections. This chapter also explores the ways people of color have resisted educational oppression including leading the longest student strike in the United States, which was for a Third World College at San Francisco State in 1968. Espinoza-Kulick emphasizes how this discipline moved students beyond examination of oppression into resistance and social change work. Readers will also understand how the discipline has grown and evolved over the past five decades, while countering threats against Ethnic Studies.
In Chapter 3: “Africana/African American/Black Studies,” Espinoza-Kulick and Hodges review various political, historical, cultural, and theoretical perspectives and struggles related to Black communities in the U.S. through a Black Studies framing. Starting with examining ideologies and movements related to civil rights and liberation, Chapter 3 also digs into some pre-colonial African history, the impacts of slavery, resistance and abolition, the Reconstruction Era, and Jim Crow policies. It moves on to various examples of how structural and systemic racism continue to impact Black Americans today, such as mass incarceration and educational inequity. Finally, this chapter considers cultural and media representations of Black women in racialized and gendered ways and makes connections to liberation movements of today including Black Lives Matter and Black Feminism.
Chapter 4: “American Indian/Native American Studies”
Cheshire and Leal present Chapter 4: “American Indian/Native American Studies,” in which they discuss how American Indian Studies and Native American Studies were advocated by Indigenous leaders, along with various movements of Native rights during the 1960s. The authors also identify exactly how American Indian Studies and Native American Studies are distinct from other academic disciplines that “study” Native Americans. Starting with “Indigenous Ways of Knowing,” Cheshire and Leal review various Native creation stories that have been passed down and inform how to live and how Native peoples are rooted in this land. This chapter describes specific ways that California Native women have resisted colonization and missionization and how their experiences and identities are “place-based.” Further, Chapter 4 introduces students to key concepts and theories in this discipline such as sovereignty and settler colonialism, while also explaining the impact of colonialism on Native American communities, such as mass removal from their lands and forced assimilation policies. Lastly, the authors review various contemporary directions for resistance and self-determination led by Native Americans, such as the LandBack movement and sustaining the land through traditional ecological knowledge.
Chapter 5: “Asian American and Pacific Islander Studies”
Fischer and Hodges introduce readers to Chapter 5: “Asian American and Pacific Islander Studies.” This chapter dives into various themes related to the diverse Asian American and Pacific Islander communities. Starting with data displaying the broad representation of the political-racial category of “Asian American,” the authors review the impact of Orientalism and other racialized perspectives of Asian Americans. They discuss connections to the legacy of western imperialism and wars, as well as instances when Asian Americans came together under a pan-ethnic banner and worked in solidarity with other minoritized groups. Readers will grasp the impact of anti-Asian immigration policies, the exploitation of Asian immigrant labor, and the politics of Asian American ethnic enclaves on the development of the Asian American community. Finally, the authors center Pacific Islander voices while addressing the importance of distinguishing Pacific Islander history, culture, and experiences from Asian Americans, such as Pacific Islander experiences in education, with militarization, and climate change.
Chapter 6: “Chicanx and Latinx Studies”
In Chapter 6: “Chicanx and Latinx Studies” Espinoza-Kulick and Acevedo break down various terminology used in this ever-expanding discipline, while introducing readers to the development of Chicanx and Latinx Studies in higher education. They continue by analyzing autonomous education for Latinx children, examples of student-led resistance such as the East LA Blowouts of 1968, and student-centered organizing and organizations that formed in this era, such as M.E.Ch.A. The authors review the impact of Chicana feminism and the roles that racialization and identity play in diverse Chicanx/Latinx communities, such as Indigenismo, Mestizaje, and Afro-Latinidad. Chapter 6 also examines the impact of migration and immigration policies, emphasizing both exclusionary laws and practices and how communities advocate for immigrant justice. Lastly, the authors highlight current topics in this discipline including health equity and struggles over political representation.
Chapter 7: “White Supremacy, Racisms, and Racial Formation”
For Chapter 7, “White Supremacy, Racisms, and Racial Formation,” Hodges begins by explaining how the concept of dehumanization is centered in white supremacy and whiteness. Upon “contact” with Native Americans and people from Africa, European colonizers began constructing false ideas about socially constructed categories of “race” that “othered” non-Europeans, helping to justify colonization, genocide, slavery, wars, and land dispossession. Hodges further connects these ideologies to the theory of racial formation and explains how racism functions structurally and institutionally in connection to the possessive investment in whiteness, hegemony, and oppression. Readers are also introduced to the lasting impacts of these ideologies such as how whiteness is normalized in institutions and fields like education, technology and health. Lastly, readers explore how whiteness is normalized even among children, and how normalization of whiteness and extensions of whiteness onto nationality continues to harm and divide people living in the U.S.
Chapter 8: “Intersectionality: Centering Women of Color”
In Chapter 8, “Intersectionality: Centering Women of Color,” Fischer unfolds the importance of intersectionality as one of the core frameworks in Ethnic Studies, while centering writings, theories, and experiences of women of color. Starting by breaking down the intersectionality of race, gender, sexuality, and class, readers will be exposed to theories presented by Black feminists and other women of color as they (re)define feminism for themselves. Chapter 8 also applies this framework to the reproductive justice movement, starting with historical examples of people resisting attempted controls of their bodies, including forced sterilization, eugenics, and how leaders have advocated for full access to reproductive care, including abortion. Finally, the framework of intersectionality is also applied to love, radical self-love, and self-care as forms of resistance, particularly for women of color and Queer, Trans, and Non Binary people of color.
Chapter 9: “The Racial Wealth Gap”
Acevedo introduces the concept of wealth inequality and how it intersects with race in Chapter 9: “The Racial Wealth Gap.” He explains how in a capitalist nation like the U.S., wealth is connected to access to or lack of access to basic necessities such as housing, medicine, food, and education. He complicates our understanding of wealth inequality by introducing the concept of decolonization and the importance of centering testimonios when focusing on the impact of wealth inequality for Black Indigenous and People of Color (BIPOC) communities. The chapter begins with how there are disparities along race when it comes to access to wealth and barriers against communities of color when it comes to housing and jobs. Even perceptions of who has access to wealth are influenced by one’s race, with most people in the U.S. falsely believing that Black Americans have similar access to wealth as whites. Further, the chapter analyzes the ways in which the racial wealth gap originated in colonization and slavery and makes comparisons to the board game Monopoly, albeit rigged against people of color. Connections are made to how financial systems today help to reinforce these inequities such as practices that allow employers to not hire system-impacted people or policies that enforced racial segregation in housing. The chapter concludes by providing examples of counter narratives such as the movement for reparations.
Chapter 10: “The State of Human Caging: Incarceration, Policing, and State-Sanctioned Violence”
Chapter 10: “The State of Human Caging: Incarceration, Policing, and State-Sanctioned Violence,” authored by Acevedo and Fischer, begins by defining the prison industrial complex. The authors make a connection to the role of privatization of prisons, and how BIPOC are disproportionately represented in imprisonment rates. They also break down how prison labor is exploited as a loophole in the 13th amendment which was supposed to abolish slavery, but allowed slave-labor “as punishment for crime.” Prison abolitionist Angela Davis even calls the prison labor or chain gang system a reincarnation of slavery. This is connected to the use of criminalizing and caging immigrants, a practice named crimmigration. In the following section, the authors explain the War on Drugs and how it was used as a “colorblind” vehicle to drive millions of mostly poor people of color into prisons, and legalize discrimination in housing and employment. Part of the success of the carceral system involves the internalization of the myth that Black people are criminal and that “bad” people are behind bars and deserve to be there. The authors move on to examine the history of policing, dispelling the myth that police are here to “protect” average citizens. Upon further examination, it’s revealed that policing has a history of suppressing certain populations with roots in capitalism, white supremacy, imperialism, settler-colonialism, and slavery, with specific analysis of how gender, race, and class intersect with policing and police violence. In relation, the chapter considers the impact of racial profiling by police, including the post-9/11 detention, deportation, and surveillance of South Asian, Arab and Muslim communities. Next, the authors review the school-to-prison pipeline and the militarization of our schools, and finally, uncover various alternatives to policing and imprisonment, such as the prison abolition movement and restorative justice programs in schools.
Chapter 11: “Social Movements: Resistance and Solidarity”
Finally, the authors of this OER close with Chapter 11: “Social Movements: Resistance and Solidarity,” written by Espinoza-Kulick and Fischer. As a field that came out of student protest, Ethnic Studies emphasizes the importance of struggle and resistance in order to build a just society. This chapter begins with exposure to various frameworks for action that will help readers gain an understanding of the theories applied to dismantle oppressive systems like white supremacy and capitalism. Frameworks include Indigenous Sovereignty, art as resistance, Queer/Trans critiques, Disability Justice, and more. The authors then examine various applications of activist frameworks on influential resistance movements starting with some based in the U.S., such as the Civil Rights Movement, Asian American Movement, and other liberatory movements centered on race and culture from the 1960s and 70s. Labor movements are given significant attention in Chapter 11 with a focus on domestic workers and agricultural laborers, particularly the Delano Grape Strike and the Filipinx and Chicanx collaboration. The next section focuses on transnational organizing work with a lens on the justice for “comfort women” campaign. And finally, Chapter 11 ends by examining more recent struggles around environmental justice, racial justice, and gender justice.
The OERI reading helped me better understand why Ethnic Studies is important in education.
Before this reading, I knew Ethnic Studies was about race and culture, but I did not fully understand its history or impact.
The reading explains that Ethnic Studies came out of long struggles led by students and educators who demanded representation and justice in schools (Espinoza-Kulick).
It also explains that many attacks on Ethnic Studies are rooted in fear, ignorance, and systems like white supremacy and settler colonialism, which the discipline directly challenges (Espinoza-Kulick).
This helped me see that Ethnic Studies is not about hate or division, but about truth, understanding, and equity.
I was especially moved by how Ethnic Studies classrooms are described as spaces of belonging and healing.
The reading explains that students often feel empowered when they see their identities, histories, and experiences reflected in the curriculum (Espinoza-Kulick).
Ethnic Studies has been shown to improve student attendance, graduation rates, and success in other classes, which shows its academic value (Espinoza-Kulick).
I also learned that Ethnic Studies helps students connect personal experiences with larger political and social systems.
Overall, this reading helped me understand why Ethnic Studies became a required course in California and why it continues to be a powerful and necessary discipline.
Works Cited
Espinoza-Kulick, Angela, et al. Why Ethnic Studies. ASCCC Open Educational Resources Initiative, California Community Colleges.
Discussion Response: SF State Student Strike and the Third World Liberation Front
Prompt 1: What was the purpose of the strike, and why was it important?
The purpose of the strike at San Francisco State was to demand access, representation, and Ethnic Studies. Students wanted more minority students admitted and wanted a School of Ethnic Studies created ( Race and Resistance at SF State, ~05:00–10:00). They tried working with administrators, but promises were not kept. Because of this, students organized marches, rallies, and loud protests to force attention ( Race and Resistance at SF State, ~01:00–04:00). Different student groups united to form the Third World Liberation Front, showing strength in solidarity ( Race and Resistance at SF State, ~12:00–16:00). The strike mattered because it led directly to the creation of Ethnic Studies programs, including Black Studies, Filipino Studies, and Chicano Studies ( Race and Resistance at SF State, ~30:00–33:00). This showed that students can create institutional change when they organize together.
Prompt 2: How did power and resistance appear in the video?
Power was shown through police presence and administrative control. The campus was filled with police, riot gear, tear gas, and dogs, making the university feel like a war zone ( Race and Resistance at SF State, ~18:00–22:00). This showed resistance from the institution against students asking academic and ethical questions. Student resistance appeared through unity, courage, and persistence. Minority students formed coalitions and supported each other across racial groups ( Race and Resistance at SF State, ~13:00–17:00). They demanded change instead of waiting for permission. The video shows that power rarely gives in unless it is challenged directly ( Race and Resistance at SF State, ~34:00–36:00).
Works Cited
Race and Resistance at SF State. Documentary film. San Francisco State University Student Strike, 1968–1969.
If you want, I can:
adjust this to match your exact prompt questions
make it shorter or longer
rewrite it to sound more personal (“I learned that…”)
This week module explores American Indian/Native American Studies, including:
Indigenous Ways of Knowing
Core Concepts and Theories
Invasion, Occupation, Imperialism, and Hegemony
Perspectives and Future Directions
Summary/Review
Learning Outcomes/Goals
Analyze and articulate concepts such as decolonization, sovereignty, self-determination, imperialism, and settler colonialism as analyzed in Native American Studies/American Indian Studies.
Identify Indigenous Ways of Knowing and recognize theories and knowledge produced by Native American/American Indian communities to describe critical events, histories, cultures, intellectual traditions, lived-experiences and social struggles with emphasis on agency and group-affirmation.
Critically analyze the intersectionality of race, class, gender, sexuality, tribal citizenship, sovereignty, and language in Native American/American Indian communities.
Describe the historical and contemporary experiences of Native Americans/American Indians in the United States and critically review how struggle, resistance, solidarity, and liberation, are relevant.
Describe and actively engage with anti-racist and anti-colonial issues and the practices and movements in Native American/American Indian communities to build a just and equitable society.
4.) What year in the "Movement for Ethnic Studies: A Timeline" stands out to you the most? Why?
The year that stands out to me the most in the Movement for Ethnic Studies: A Timeline is 1993. This year is important because the Berkeley Unified School District became the first school district in the United States to make Ethnic Studies a ninth-grade course and a graduation requirement (Rethinking Ethnic Studies 9). This moment shows how Ethnic Studies moved beyond colleges and into K–12 public education. It allowed students to learn about race, culture, and history at a younger age. This year stands out to me because Ethnic Studies became part of the regular school curriculum instead of just an elective. It also shows how local action can lead to long-term educational change. Because of early efforts like this, students today, including those at Foothill College, are able to take Ethnic Studies courses that reflect diverse histories and lived experiences.
The year that stands out to me the most in the Movement for Ethnic Studies: A Timeline is 1993. This year is important because Berkeley Unified School District became the first school district in the country to make Ethnic Studies a graduation requirement for ninth-grade students (Rethinking Ethnic Studies 9). Unlike earlier years that focused mostly on college students, this moment shows how Ethnic Studies moved into K–12 public education. It helped younger students learn about race, culture, and history early in their education. This year stands out to me because it shows how Ethnic Studies became part of everyday schooling, not just activism or protests. It also proves that Ethnic Studies can exist within public school systems, not only universities. The 1993 decision helped inspire other districts to later adopt similar graduation requirements across California.
Movement for Ethnic Studies Timeline
4.) What year in the "Movement for Ethnic Studies: A Timeline" stands out to you the most? Why?
One major year that stands out to me on the timeline, that is actually fairly recent, is the year 2014 because it marks a pretty big turning point where Ethnic Studies went from being isolated district initiatives to a coordinated statewide movement within public K–12 education. According to the timeline, 2014 is when El Rancho Unified School District in Pico Rivera, California, passed a high school graduation requirement for Ethnic Studies, resulting in broader change across the state (Rethinking Ethnic Studies Timeline, 2014 Section). This demonstrated how organizing on the local level could translate into structural policy change within public education. What makes 2014 especially impactful is that it started this collective action beyond just one district in the state. The timeline says that the Ethnic Studies Now Coalition (ESNC) was formed in the same year, showing the emergence of a statewide advocacy network focused on expanding and defending Ethnic Studies in public schools. Additionally, two of the largest school districts in California, Los Angeles Unified School District and San Francisco Unified School District, adopted Ethnic Studies as a graduation requirement in 2014, drastically increasing access to Ethnic Studies for students across diverse communities. Rather than existing only as pilot programs or electives, Ethnic Studies became embedded in graduation requirements, reinforcing its role as essential rather than supplemental knowledge.
The year that stands out to me the most is 1968.This year is important because the Third World Liberation Front (TWLF) was founded. Students from Asian American, African American, Chicano, and Native American communities came together to demand Ethnic Studies at San Francisco State University and UC Berkeley. They organized strikes and protests to challenge exclusion and racism in education. Because of their actions, Ethnic Studies became institutionalized for the first time. I think 1968 is important because it shows the power of student activism. Ethnic Studies did not come from the government or administrators. It came from students demanding representation and justice. This year laid the foundation for Ethnic Studies programs in schools across the country today (Movement for Ethnic Studies Timeline).
The year in the "Movement for Ethnic Studies: A Timeline" that stands out to me the most is 1968, because it showed me just how powerful student voices can be when they are challenged an education system that isn't fair. In 1968, students at San Francisco State College had organized the Third World Liberation Front strike so that they could protest the lack of representation of people of color for the college faculty and curriculum. The students were feeling as though what they were learning didn't reflect their histories, cultures, or even lived experiences. This made education for the students exclusive to some and incomplete to most. Chapter 2 talks about how the strike lasted several months and had become the longest student strike in U.S. history, which shows just how committed the students were when it came to the creation of Ethnic Studies (Espinoza-Kulick, 2.3). What makes 1968 really interesting and stand out to me is also how Ethnic Studies didn't even come from administrators, but from students themselves who demanded justice for all the different cultural backgrounds. Chapter 2 talks about how students actually believed that education was being used as a tool to maintain inequality and by prioritizing Eurocentric knowledge over knowledge of marginalized communities (Espinoza-Kulick, 2.2). So many of the students were even willing to face arrest, expulsion, and suspension because they all believed Ethnic Studies was necessary for a real educational change. The first College of Ethnic Studies was created after the result of the strike in 1968, which had later inspired many programs that were similar across the country. Therefore, 1968 stands out to me because its the moment when students had transformed higher education by insisting to everyone that they mattered, their histories, and cultures mattered.
The year that stands out to me the most in the Movement for Ethnic Studies timeline is 1968. This year is important because it marks the beginning of the Third World Liberation Front strikes at San Francisco State College and the University of California, Berkeley. Students from different racial and ethnic backgrounds came together to demand Ethnic Studies programs that reflected their histories and communities. What stands out to me is how students were willing to risk arrest and punishment just to be heard, showing how serious they were about changing the education system. Without the actions taken in 1968, Ethnic Studies might not exist in schools today, including at colleges like Foothill (Movement for Ethnic Studies).
4. What year in the "Movement for Ethnic Studies: A Timeline" stands out to you the most? Why? (Feel free to do additional research online for more context). Be sure to cite course sources using MLA in-text format.
The year that stood out to me the most was in 2010 where Arizona House Bill 2281, the law that added A.R.S. 15-112, was used to shut down Tucson Unified School District's Mexican American/Raza Studies. This really surprised me how a law like this passed and then weaponized for discriminatory purposes. The law did not specifically ban Mexican literature, but passed these 4 law for schools to obey. The exact text from A.R.S. 15-112:
“A school district or charter school in this state shall not include in its program of instruction any courses or classes that include any of the following:
1. Promote the overthrow of the United States government.
2. Promote resentment toward a race or class of people.
3. Are designed primarily for pupils of a particular ethnic group.
4. Advocate ethnic solidarity instead of the treatment of pupils as individuals.”
For context, the Tucson Unified School district launched a Mexican-American Studies program in 1998; similar to the original vision of the Third World Liberation Front. It aimed to provide critical education to a predominant segment of its student population that was of Mexican heritage. This program contained culturally relevant curriculum which kept students significantly engaged and improved graduation rates. (Curricular Innovation.The Third World Liberation Front Research Initiative, University of California, Berkeley, https://twlf.berkeley.edu/legacy-and-impact/curricular-innovation?utm_source=chatgpt.comLinks to an external site.. Accessed 10 Jan. 2026.)
In 2010, the political campaign against MARS began. Tom Horne (former Supterintendent of Public Instruction) and John Huppenthal (elected as Supterintendent of Public Instruction in 2010) argued MARS was divisive and violated the "treat pupils as individuals" principle as mentioned in House Bill 2281. It was signed into law by Gov. Jan Brewer in May 2010. (Arizona State Legislature). After the law came into effect, Arizona education officials issued findings against TUSD's MARS program and withheld 10% of TUSD funding until MARS was ended or changed. Eventually, TUSD voted to terminate MARS courses in early 2012 due to the financial strain. Not only did they lose the classes, but book bans were also implemented. Ron Espiritu was part of Librotraficante Caravan who smuggled books by latino authors across territories where they were banned. (Espiritu, Ron. Why Ethnic Studies Matter. Youtube, Ted Talk, 10 Jan. 2026 00:08:35-00:08:55.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XvvMgujD4i8Links to an external site.. )
The official justification for the ban as written in the Arizona Legislature:
preventing classes that teach resentment or racial antagonism, and
In Gonzalez vs Douglas, the federal judge concluded 15-112 was enacted and enforced not for a legitimate reason, but with discriminatory racial intent and a politically partisan purpose aimed at shutting TUSD's MARS program. The court ruled this law cannot be enforced as of 2017. Gonzalez v. Douglas: Document. The New York Times, 23 Aug. 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2017/08/23/us/document-Gonzalez-v-Douglas.htmlLinks to an external site.. Accessed 10 Jan. 2026.
The year that stands out to me the most in the Movement for Ethnic Studies timeline is 1968. This year is important because students formed the Third World Liberation Front and organized protests at San Francisco State University and the University of California, Berkeley (Espinoza-Kulick 2.4). They demanded Ethnic Studies programs because their histories and experiences were not being taught in schools. These students believed education should reflect who they were and where they came from. Their actions led to the creation of the first Ethnic Studies programs and changed higher education in lasting ways. I chose this year over later years, such as 1972, because it shows how students had to fight for their voices to be included, and many of the programs that came later grew out of what began that year. This moment stands out to me because it shows that real change often starts when people speak up and challenge unfair systems.
4. What year in the "Movement for Ethnic Studies: A Timeline" stands out to you the most? Why?
The year that stands out to me most in the Movement for Ethnic Studies timeline is 1968, when the Third World Liberation Front led the longest student strike in U.S. history to demand Ethnic Studies at San Francisco State University and UC Berkeley (Movement for Ethnic Studies,Rethinking Ethnic Studies 9)(Roots of Resistance). While the entire timeline is inspiring, 1968 represents a turning point that shows how collective resistance can create lasting institutional change. The students fighting then could not have imagined how their struggle would impact future generations, including us, and today’s Ethnic Studies requirements across education.
In a time where quick answers and instant information are easily accessible, the entire timeline is an admirable and inspiring reminder to us that meaningful social change takes long-term dedication, commitment, and sacrifice. Standing with a belief or movement, even when it is difficult, can shape decades of progress and benefit people in the future who are grateful for those struggles. The Ethnic Studies movement is a powerful example of how sustained resistance can transform education and society over time.
The year that stands out to me the most is 1968, because it really shows how powerful student voices can be when they challenge an unfair education system. In 1968, students at San Francisco State College organized the Third World Liberation Front strike to protest the lack of faculty of color and the absence of courses that reflected their histories and lived experiences. The students felt like what they were learning didn’t represent them, which made education feel exclusive to some and incomplete for many others. Chapter 2 explains that the strike lasted several months and became the longest student strike in U.S. history, showing how committed the students were to creating Ethnic Studies (Espinoza-Kulick 2.3). What I find most interesting is that Ethnic Studies didn’t start from administrators or politiciansit came directly from students demanding change. Chapter 2 also mentions that students believed traditional education was being used to maintain inequality by prioritizing Eurocentric knowledge over the histories of marginalized communities (Espinoza-Kulick 2.2). Many of these students were even willing to risk arrest, suspension, and expulsion because they truly believed real educational change was necessary. Because of their efforts, the first College of Ethnic Studies was created, which later inspired similar programs across the country. That’s why 1968 stands out to me it was the moment students proved their voices could transform higher education.
The year that stands out to me the most is 1968. This year stood out the most to me because it seems like it was a turning point in education, where many educational institutions started to fight for ethnic studies. 1968 is the year that San Francisco State University started their fight for ethnic studies courses, which became the longest student strike. After this, we can see an increase in schools also following and developing ethnic studies courses after the year of 1968. More students at schools like UC Berkeley and UC Santa Barbara went on strike calling for ethnic studies departments (Espinoza-Kulick 2.4).
Movement for Ethnic Studies: A Timeline
4. The year in the “Movement for Ethnic Studies: A Timeline” that stands out to me the most is 1968 because it represents a turning point where students were finally able to use their voices to challenge the American education system that had been controlled by colonial values fully. 1968 stands out because it shows that Ethnic Studies came from student resistance to continue upholding an education system that had previously reinforced racial hierarchies in past history, 1968 marked the foundation of The Third World Liberation Front (TWLF), as well as the fight to institutionalize Ethnic Studies at San Francisco State University and University of California, Berkeley, led by Asian American, African American, Chicano, and Native American students. At SFSC, students created their own courses based on the studies that mattered to them, rather than relying solely on traditional university courses, “the Black Studies curriculum covered history, social sciences, and the humanities,” (Espinoza-Kulick 2.4.1) including courses focused on oppression, culture, and creative expression that were taught away from traditional schooling. The TWLF was described as “a multi-ethnic coalition of students that were awoken to the fact that they were being taught in ways that were dominating and irrelevant to themselves,” (Maeda, Espinoza-Kulick 2.4.1) which explains why students felt compelled to organize and demand educational change. These efforts were not isolated, since “these movements built on intergenerational traditions of protest and advocacy that informed the emergent groups that formed, established, and nurtured Ethnic Studies. (Delgado, Espinoza-Kulick 2.4.1) further showing why 1968 remains such a significant year in the movement, giving students a chance to understand history, cultures, and race. Becoming much more rewarding having fought for it.
Source
This timeline outlines the development of key policies and programs integral to Ethnic Studies in the United States. Its focus is on the movement for Ethnic Studies within public schools nationwide rather than Ethnic Studies in Higher Education. The timeline is not meant to be exhaustive. This timeline is found in the book, "Rethinking Ethnic Studies." 2019. Rethinking Schools, Ltd. Page 9.Links to an external site.
1867
Howard University is chartered by the U.S. Congress, one of the first historic Black colleges in the nation.
1887
Kamehameha Schools open in Hawai'i, serving native Hawaiian children.
1915
The association for the Study of African American Life and History (ASALH), founded by Carter G. Woodson, seeds the foundation for African American studies.
1920's
Japanese language schools in California, which are aimed at language and cultural maintenance, are framed as "anti-American."
1926
Carter G. Woodson establishes Negro History Week, which later became Black History Month in 1969.
1951
The American Studies Association is founded.
1964
Mississippi Freedom Schools are established by the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC); the schools center on civic participation and political education of African American children and youth.
1966
The Navajo Curriculum Center is founded in Rough Rock, Arizona.
1968
The Third World Liberation Front (TWLF) is founded. The struggle to institutionalize Ethnic Studies at San Francisco State University and University of California, Berkeley, is spearheaded by Asian American, African American, Chicano, and Native American students.
The Mexican American Studies program is instituted at California State University, Los Angeles.
1969
"El Plan de Santa Barbara: A Chicano Plan for Higher Education" is drafted, which includes a blueprint for Chicano Studies programs and organizations at colleges across the nation.
The first Ethnic Studies College at San Francisco State is institutionalized, comprising American Indian Studies, Asian American Studies, Africana Studies, and La Raza Studies (later changed to Latina/o Studies).
Chicano Studies and Pan African Studies programs are established at California State University, Northridge.
The Institute of American Cultures (IAC) is founded at UCLA, establishing Ethnic Studies research centers.
1970
The Native American Materials Development Center (NAMDC) creates a K-6 culturally relevant curriculum for Navajo schools.
1972
The National Association for Chicana and Chicano Studies (NACCS) is founded.
The National Association for Ethnic Studies is founded.
The Inter-Ethnic Studies Association in Detroit develops Ethnic Studies Projects: Training Teacher Trainers.
The American Indian Curriculum Development Program in North Dakota is established.
1973
Centro de Estudios Puertoriqueños at Hunter College in New York City is founded.
1975
James Banks' Teaching Strategies for Ethnic Studies is published.
1979
Association for Asian American Studies is founded.
The Ethnic Studies Department at Bowling Green University of Ohio is founded.
1982
Institute for Puerto Rican Policy Analysis and Advocacy is founded.
1986
Escuela Aztlan, a grassroots school with culturally relevant social activism, is founded by Unión del Barrio in San Diego.
1987
The Center for Studies of Ethnicity and Race in America is founded at the University of Colorado, Boulder.
1991
HB 2859 in Illinois passes, mandating that Black history be integral to the curriculum in Illinois public schools.
1992
The National Association of African American Studies is founded.
1993
The Berkeley Unified School District becomes the first district nationwide to make Ethnic Studies both a 9th-grade course and graduation requirement.
1995
The Alaska Rural Systemic Initiative becomes a vehicle for rooting curricular, pedagogical, and other types of projects in Alaska Native knowledge systems.
1998
The Mexican American/ Raza Studies (MARS) program is founded in Tucson, Arizona.
The Betty Shabazz International Charter School, a free Afrocentric school, is founded in Chicago.
2001
Pin@y Educational Partnerships (PEP) is founded to address culturally relevant curriculum, teacher preparation, and institutionalization of Filipina/o curriculum in local San Francisco schools.
Asian American/ Asian Research Institute (AAARI) is established by the City University of New York, serving as a hub for research on policies impacting Asian Americans.
Academia Semillas del Pueblo, a language revitalization academy, is founded as part of the Los Angeles Unified School District.
2005
Some Philadelphia high schools add an African American Studies graduation requirement.
2007
The San Francisco Unified School District develops a pilot 9th-grade Ethnic Studies course.
Kailua High School in Hawai'i establishes Ethnic Studies as a required 9th-grade course.
2010
HB 2281 is passed, banning Tucson Unified School District's Mexican American/Raza Studies; with 48 course offerings, MARS is the largest Ethnic Studies program for any school district nationwide.
Institute for Teachers of Color Committed to Racial Justice (ITOC) is formed.
2013
Chicano Public Schools moves to mandate a comprehensive Black history curriculum.
Academia Cuauhtli (Eagle Academy) is formed, offering a Mexican American history curriculum rooted in Indigenous principles, serving public school 4th graders in Austin, Texas.
Xicanx Institute for Teaching and Organizing (XITO) is founded in Tucson, Arizona.
2014
The Ethnic Studies movement in California is ignited when El Rancho Unified (Pico Rivera, California) passes a high school graduation requirement.
The Ethnic Studies Now Coalition (ESNC) is formed in California.
Two major districts in California- Los Angeles Unified School District and San Francisco Unified School District- adopt Ethnic Studies as a graduation requirement.
2015
Chicago Public Schools introduce districtwide Latinx and Latin American Studies Curriculum.
Sacramento City Unified School District, Coachella Valley Unified School District and Oakland Unified School District make Ethnic Studies a graduation requirement.
2016
AB 2016, sponsored by Luis Alejo, requires the development of a California statewide model Ethnic Studies curriculum by 2020.
Ethnic Studies elective courses are implemented throughout Austin school districts.
Ethnic Studies pilot courses are created in Providence, Rhode Island.
In the San Diego Unified School District, the board votes to fully fund the implementation of Ethnic Studies K-12 throughout the district.
"White" Washing American Education: The New Culture Wars in Ethnic Studies, edited by Denise M. Sandoval, Anthony J. Ratcliff, Tracy Lachica Buenavista, and James R. Marin, is published.
2017
Judge A. Wallace Tashima rules HB 2281 unconstitutional on the grounds that banning of Mexican American Studies was motivated by racial animus.
Ethnic Studies curriculum becomes integral to social studies curriculum in Portland, Oregon.
Oregon HB 2845 passes, requiring Ethnic Studies integration in K-12 social studies statewide.
Seattle Public Schools passes resolution to begin districtwide integration of Ethnic Studies courses.
California passes Native American studies model curriculum (AB 738).
The Board of Bridgeport Public Schools in Bridgeport, Connecticut, moves to add a graduation requirement that students pass either an American American, Latinx, or Race Studies class.
Indiana Senate Enrolled Act 337 is passed, requiring all Indiana high schools to offer Ethnic Studies as an elective, and for state standards to be developed to guide the course in communities throughout the state.
Food For Thought (Discussion Forum Entry)
- What year in the "Movement for Ethnic Studies: A Timeline" stands out to you the most? Why? (Feel free to do additional research online for more context)
